#psdb

O ex-ministro Aloysio Nunes, que teve papel decisivo no golpe de 2016, ao pedir ajuda dos Estados Unidos para a derrubada da ex-presidente Dilma Rousseff, era o coordenador das propinas do PSDB, segundo o novo capítulo da Vaza Jato. Braço direito de José Serra, Aloysio foi poupado nas investigações e uma das possíveis razões é o fato de ter adotado postura de total submissão aos interesses americanos quando foi chanceler de Michel Temer.

247 – Um dos principais articuladores do golpe de 2016 era também coordenador da propina do PSDB, segundo aponta a nova revelação da Vaza Jato  "Ao negociar acordo de delação com a Lava Jato, a cúpula da empreiteira OAS descreveu o ex-senador e ex-chanceler Aloysio Nunes Ferreira em papel central na coordenação de pagamentos de propinas para campanhas do PSDB, entre elas a do senador José Serra à Presidência da República, em 2010. Aloysio é citado em quatro capítulos como solicitante de repasses em troca de liberação de dinheiro de obras da prefeitura paulistana e do Governo de São Paulo para a empreiteira", aponta reportagem de José Marques, Felipe Bachtold e Paula Bianchi, feita em parceria pela Folha e pelo Intercept.

"Léo Pinheiro, ex-presidente da OAS, menciona Aloysio sempre como a pessoa que solicita propina, seja para ele ou para Serra, nas campanhas de 2006 e 2010. Em 2006, Serra venceu a disputa ao Governo de São Paulo. Em 2010, disputou e perdeu a Presidência, e Aloysio se elegeu ao Senado. Entre as obras ligadas ao PSDB de São Paulo que o empresário cita como alvo de suposto desvio estão a ponte estaiada Octavio Frias de Oliveira, o túnel da Radial Leste, a rodovia Carvalho Pinto e a linha 4-amarela do Metrô. A delação aponta que parte do dinheiro era entregue em espécie a indicados pelo ex-senador, que chefiou pastas das gestões Serra tanto na prefeitura (Secretaria de Governo) quanto na administração estadual (Casa Civil)", apontam ainda os jornalistas.

What will replace the PSDB?

In 1988 a group of centre-left politicians and academics who had opposed the military dictatorship that governed Brazil from 1964 to 1985 set up a new political organisation, the Party of Brazilian Social Democracy (psdb). Its members were reformers, not populists, statists or pork-barrel conservatives. As one of its leaders, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, later wrote: “We advocated a blend of free-market reform and social responsibility” like that espoused by Felipe González in Spain, Bill Clinton in the United States and Tony Blair in Britain. Under Mr Cardoso they governed Brazil between 1995 and 2003. As the party shifted to the centre-right, it became one of two rival anchors of the political system, along with the left-wing Workers’ Party (pt). In the six presidential elections between 1994 and 2014 it averaged almost 40% of the vote. And now, suddenly, the psdb looks far closer to extinction than its symbol, the toucan.

On paper, it had a strong presidential candidate in last month’s election in Geraldo Alckmin, a four-term governor of the state of São Paulo. Mr Alckmin assembled an eight-party coalition and thus enjoyed far more free television time than any of his rivals. Yet he won just 4.8% of the vote in the first round on October 7th. Many of the psdb’s erstwhile supporters switched to the aggressive conservative nationalism of Jair Bolsonaro, who was elected in a run-off vote against the ptcandidate. The psdb also fared poorly in the election for congress. It now has only 29 of the 513 seats in the lower house, down from 54 in 2014, and eight senators rather than 12. Mr Alckmin was one of five psdb governors elected in 2014. Now the party will rule in only three states (out of 27).

Its problems do not end there. One of those three governors is João Doria, who narrowly won in São Paulo. A former lobbyist, he was a protégé of Mr Alckmin. But the two fell out, and Mr Alckmin backed Mr Doria’s opponent. While the psdb remained neutral in the presidential run-off, Mr Doria supported Mr Bolsonaro.

Mr Doria is now poised to take over the remains of the psdb. All this “represents the defeat of the historical psdb,” Folha de S. Paulo, a newspaper, editorialised this week. The party’s name may live on, but “the psdb as we know it is definitely dead,” declares a prominent member.