Kickboxing: Coaching IPKF match
Had a student do their first Kickboxing match. Super Epic.
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Kickboxing: Coaching IPKF match
Had a student do their first Kickboxing match. Super Epic.

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Does Sri Lanka REALLY Need a Federal Solution? â RAJIV - A SON OF A BIDDY
Does Sri Lanka REALLY Need a Federal Solution? â RAJIV â A SON OF AÂ BIDDY
Ms Indira Gandhiâs assassination should have reduced the calamities in Sri Lanka if a smart and visionary leader succeeded her. Unfortunately, it was her own son, Rajiv Gandhi who had nothing but the being the son of the slain Ms Gandhi and the grandson of late. Mr Jawaharlal Nehru as the only qualifications to rise to the thrown â ascended to power in the aftermath of this avaricious womanâsâŚ
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Operation Pawan - LTTE War(1987)
Operation Pawan â LTTEÂ War(1987)
During the LTTE(The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) war, Operation Pawan was launched to take control of Jaffna in late 1987. Indian Peace Keeping Force(IPKF) assigned it as a codename of operations to enforce the demilitarization of the LTTE war as a part of Indo-Sri Lankan Accord.
It took somewhat 3 weeks for the IPKF to take control of the Jaffna Peninsula from the LTTE dominion, whichâŚ
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Indian intervention in Sri Lanka: The role of India's intelligence - Rohan Gunaratna
Indian intervention in Sri Lanka: The role of Indiaâs intelligence â Rohan Gunaratna
Indian intervention in Sri Lanka: The role of Indiaâs intelligence â Rohan Gunaratna
Much has been written by many Indian and Sri Lankan writers about the Sri Lankan civil war and Indiaâs role in it. But Professor Rohan Gunaratnaâs book, âIndian intervention in Sri Lanka: The role of Indiaâs intelligence agenciesâ stands out among them as it provides a good account of the civil war from theâŚ
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CHERAN Toronto, Canada Poet, journalist and Professor
âHaving survived two air attacks and twenty helicopter gunships I break my ankle, entangling with a small dogâ. -May 21, 1986 (The Second Sunrise, Cheranâs Poems. Navayana, 2012)
The emergence of the Tamil militancy  in the north and east of Sri Lanka in the early 1980s paved the way for powerful activism towards social liberation alongside national liberation. Initially, there were compelling media expressions, debates and spaces for alternative and dissenting viewpoints.  New political journals, magazines, forums sprang up, and suddenly literary productions dominated the scene.  All the major Tamil resistance groups - too many to name here - had their own publications and were free to criticize each otherâs policies, politics, strategies and tactics. By the end of 1985, this space started to shrink because the dominant idea articulated by the LTTE was that in order to gain our liberation there should be one political and military movement with a perfectly tuned military discipline.
That was the beginning of the consolidation, or what I would call the hegemony of the LTTE: Â an imposed command structure that was authoritarian while having significant support of the people. This hegemony was achieved mainly through the elimination of other groups and stifling dissent.
After this anything against the LTTE was not allowed to be published. Â The only dissenting materials were those emerging in the diaspora.
The Tigers, however, were not concerned about articles that we have been publishing in English. So I continued my work at the Saturday Review. The only regional English weekly in Sri Lanka, published from Jaffna under the courageous leadership of the late Gamini Navaratne. It stood for freedom of expression, human rights and minority rights.
We were banned by the Government of Sri Lanka twice and bombed by the Sri Lankan Air Force. Â On the orders of the government between 1984 and early 1985, we had to post every piece including advertisements to a âcompetent authorityâ in Colombo and wait for his approval, which rarely came in time for deadline.
At that time the Saturday Review was the only newspaper in entire Sri Lanka that was under censorship.
In 1985 I was arrested by the Sri Lankan Army and tortured in custody. Gamini Navaratne had to pull some strings in high places to secure my release.
The LTTE banned stories that other Tamil newspapers in Jaffna tried to publish, but we continued our work. In December 1987 Kittu (Sathasivam Krishnakumar), a senior LTTE commander, told me that Pirabhakaran had wanted me silenced for being a kulappalvaathy (a trouble-maker). Kittu said he had advised him against this and asked me to leave Jaffna, saying that he could only protect me while he was still alive.  I left Colombo and fled to the Netherlands sometime after the grenade attack on Kittu in April 1987.
I would return during the thick of the Indian âpeace keepingâ forceâs occupation and war in Jaffna, during which they bombed two Tamil newspapers, Eelamurasu and Murasoli and took control of one with the help of the Tamil group EPRLF [The Eelam People's Revolutionary Liberation Front].
In March 1990, some of us who were exiled in Colombo at that time started a Tamil newspaper called Sarinihar, with the help of the Movement for Inter Racial Justice and Equality (MIRJE).
The first issue of Sarinihar came out in April 1990. The LTTE banned it by mid-year. But they would buy 150 copies from our distributor in Vavuniya  for their own internal circulation. The LTTE also kept the channels of communication open between their commanders and some of our journalists.
In 1994 when Chandrika was portrayed as a Peace Dove, we were the only newspaper that was very critical of her and her political platform. The Sinhala Left and several Tamils supported her.
Even the LTTE was at least initially positive about Chandrika and not too happy about our position. But they were still reading our papers and Pirabaharan and several senior leaders knew that what we were writing wasnât without merit. Still, it was extremely hard for them to digest our criticisms and our investigative reporting, as well as our stories on the expulsion of Muslims by the LTTE.
After an incident in 1994 between the LTTE and the Chandrika regime in which I was involved, but which will continue to remain off the record, the Tigers lifted the ban on the paper and it was available everywhere. The paper ran for 11 years and ended its life in 2001. One of our journalists disappeared in 1991. He was abducted  by the military intelligence and I still believe the EPDP (The Eelam People's Democratic Party) had a role in his abduction and disappearance.
Apart from this historical narrative, these stories illustrate that the struggle for liberation is also a struggle for freedom of expression. You canât separate the two. I strongly believe that no âsupreme emergencyâ situation can justify censorship or curtailment of our freedom of expression.

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India and Capital punishment
http://creofire.com/india-capital-punishment/
India and Capital punishment
The land of Gandhi is not Capital punishment free nation in the world. The land Gandhi and Buddha born approves the process of Capital punishment legally. Death Sentence is a tradition in India. Indian leaders getting assassinated is a continuing history. Indian politics is emotional with less...
Read Comfortably from Creofire.com
http://creofire.com/india-capital-punishment/