this is a genuine question: why do you think the queer community is so bad when it comes to the antisemitism and even the overt Hamas support? I canât figure it out at all. Jews have always been a huge part of and even pioneers in the community. now weâre banned and harassed and unsafe. I see a pride flag online these days and feel terror because I expect a watermelon or red triangle to be right next to it, itâs happened so often. Iâd feel safer in a church than at a pride event. why do they hate us so much now? even those of us who are also part of that community?
I've been trying to figure that out, too.
I was pretty sure that the origin was in postmodern academia, but I didn't know much more.
I have never formally engaged with Queer Studies, nor with Gender and Sexuality Studies,so I had no idea where to start.
Someone on #jumblr (I regret that I don't recall who) pointed out this collection of essays, Poisoning the Wells: Antisemitism in Contemporary America.
Chapter 2 is "Pinkwashing Antisemitism: The Origins of Queer Anti-Israeli Discourse by Dr. R. Amy Elman.
I'm way outside my wheelhouse here, despite holding a degree in one of the social sciences.[1]
I'm going to try to summarize this in a way which is shorter and more digestible than reading the whole thing, but there's a link to the whole thing at the bottom of this Very Long Post.
Disclaimers:
1. Acknowledging the depth of my ignorance:
I don't have the contextual knowledge to know with confidence if this is an intellectually honest argument, or even if the history is fairly presented. If anyone on Jumblr has more experience studying this topic, I'd sure welcome their thoughts.
2. A note to LGBTQ+ readers on "queer":
I understand that some in the LGBTQ+ community don't care for the term "queer," and some regard it as a slur. I have tried, for this reason, to cease using this word in my daily life. Below, I'm going to use the word "queer" a lot here, however, because Elman does and the scholars she discusses do. If you're among those who dislike this term or find it hurtful, I hope that you will not see my doing so as a slur or an insult
3. My editorial comments are in blue.
4. This is long. Not as long as the article itself, but long for Tumblr. You are forewarned.
Got a coffee or an energy drink?
Continue below the break:
Elman says the increasing appeal of queer politics was for specifically millennials, and the BDS movement actively pursued a "queer" plank to broaden its appeal.
This tracks.
She says that Leaders from both movements saw a potential for synergy, with some suggesting queers could transform BDS from a "vanguard movement" to a "popular" movement.
Elman gives a history of the "Queer Movement" in which she argues its adherents are particularly susceptible to BDS's "pinkwashing" accusations.
She says:
- "Queer" is an intentionally broad, deliberately ambiguous term encompassing various sexual and gender minorities who reject traditional LGBT politics as conservative.
- The queer movement emerged in the late 1980s and early 1990s in opposition to both neo-liberalism and feminists who critiqued sadomasochism (S/M) and the sex industry.
- This opposition to feminist critiques of the eroticization of inequality, says Elman, is a crucial factor in understanding queer politics' susceptibility to antisemitism.
- Elman says early queer activists prioritized passion over reason, making them potentially vulnerable to harmful ideologies.
The Feminist Sex Wars
- There was conflict, says Elman, between lesbian feminists and proponents of S/M, arguing that the increasing acceptance of S/M within the lesbian community weakened its ability to resist fascist values.
I don't see the need to politicize whatever one enjoys in private as long as it is safe, sane, and consensual, but okay.
- Elman draws a parallel between the eroticization of fascism in the past (referencing Susan Sontag and Sheila Jeffreys' concerns about Nazi aesthetics in queer subcultures) and the current uncritical embrace of certain radical ideologies.
- Elman says the embrace of "outlaw" identities and the downplaying of the harmful implications of S/M practices (including the use of fascist symbols for parodic purposes) are problematic trends within queer politics.
Which made me think of seeing Queers for Palestine protestors calling Jews "Nazis" and combining the swastika with the mogen David.
- Elman argues that the rise of queer politics led to the silencing and marginalization of lesbian feminists who focused on women's rights and opposed the industrialization of sexuality and S/M.
Like Andrea Dworkin?
- Elman says Queer Theorists have dismissive attitudes towards lesbian feminist concerns and that the once-flourishing spaces and intellectual contributions of lesbian feminists were diminished within the broader "queer" coalition.
As a cishet man, I had thought the broadening of the movement, the addition of each letter in LGBTQ+, gave all parts of it more strength, but it seems obvious to me now that lesbian concerns aren't always the same (and may not be aligned with) gay men's concerns, enby concerns, trans concerns, etc.
I can see how being subsumed by a larger movement could dampen the voices of its different component populations and diminish the perceivability of the points on which they don't agree.
Judith Butler features prominently here.
- Elman seems to say Butler's nuanced stance on her lesbian identity is rather different from her non-nuanced Jewish identity, and it is "as a Jew" that she declares her anti-Zionism.
...in 1989, [Butler] was asked to provide a lesbian lecture and responded that she would rather describe herself as "being" homosexual because identifying as lesbian felt "neither true nor false." Yet, she demonstrates no similar reluctance to claim a Jewish identity years later. To the contrary, it is "as a Jew" that she condemns Israel and vows to develop a Jewish opposition to Zionism.
A decade after Butler vacillated over being lesbian, she similarly described her nearly two-decade-long relationship to S/M discourse as "active and complicated," a position in keeping with the tenor of her fourth book, The Psychic Life of Power. In it, Butler speaks of her "paradoxical" embrace of "injurious" names because they "constitute" her "socially."
Huh. Jewish identity without nuance? I'm not sure I've ever seen that...?
- Elman says Butler's engagement with S/M discourse and her concept of erotically embracing oppressive power structures are linked to the potential eroticization of antisemitism and the demonization of Israel.
As Martha Nussbaum explains, the central thesis of The Psychic Life of Power is that âwe all eroticize the power structures that oppress us, and can thus find sexual pleasure
only within their confines.â
If Nussbaum is correct, there may be no better
explanation for the ongoing eroticization of antisemitism and the demonization of Israel.
So concerned was Nussbaum by Butlerâs influence on American womenâs studies programs in the 1990s that she concluded,
"There is despair at the heart of the cheerful Butlerian enterprise. The big hope, the hope for a world of real justice, where laws and institutions protect the equality and the dignity of all citizens, has been banished, even perhaps mocked as sexually tedious. Judith Butlerâs hip quietism is a comprehensible
response to the difficulty of realizing justice in America. But it is a bad response. It collaborates with evil. Feminism demands more and women deserve better."
"Hip quietism" makes me want to read more Nussbaum.
Butler was chair of the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (later renamed Outright First)...which was a UN recognized organzation. While the name might cause the casual observer to to think it would focus on gays and lesbians, it has seemed to focus on Israel.
Outright First claims it advances LGBT rights through awards consistent
with its agenda, yet the first of these was not made until 2005, fifteen years after its founding and the same year that BDS was ostensibly established.
That year, the organization honored Mary Robinson, who decriminalized homosexuality as Irelandâs first woman president (from 1990-1997).
Robinson also served as the UNâs first woman High Commissioner for Human Rights and, in this capacity, Robinson oversaw the 2001 UN World Conference against Racism, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance in Durban, South Africa.
Despite the conferenceâs noble rhetoric, the antisemitism that it manifest led Robinson to resign in disgrace.
It was in Durban that âanti-racistâ organizers revived the scurrilous Soviet charge from decades earlier that Zionism is a form of racism and Israel is an apartheid state. Although Robinson called these allegations inappropriate and unacceptable, she did not reject the conferenceâs final declaration that contained them.
Ach. The feckin' Irish again.
...in 2008, Desmond Tutu became the second recipient of the organizationâs âOutspokenâ Award. Tutu, a Nobel prize winning anti-apartheid activist, is also an outspoken critic of Israel for âpracticing apartheidâ in its policies against the Palestinians. While he too condemned bigotry against gay men and lesbians, like Robinson, Tutu may be better known for his opposition to Israel than for any long-standing and deep defense of LGBT rights. Thus, one wonders whether the âcritical partnershipsâ Outright First fostered were less those that promoted the worldâs LGBT communities than those that helped legitimize anti-Israel activism.
This example, it seems to me, is a more appropriate illustration of âpinkwashingâ:
that is, pinkwashing may be less about bolstering Israelâs reputation than providing Israelâs sworn enemies a seemingly progressive mask behind which to conceal their animus.
Pinkwashing, Triangles, and Softcore Holocaust Denial
The term "pinkwashing" initially referred to corporate profiteering from pink-themed breast cancer awareness campaigns.
Elman contrasts this with the reclamation of the pink triangle by gay activists as a symbol of defiance after the Stonewall riots, noting that this is a "disturbing" appropriation of a Nazi symbol.
Years before American corporate executives bolstered sales through gender-conforming pink promotionals to women, American gay male activists openly embraced pink to signify their gendered defiance after the Stonewall riots of 1969.
This political reclamation manifested itself in their adoption of the pink triangle Nazis used to denote and facilitate the destruction of those men they identified as homosexual. That this exclusively male Nazi symbol came to signify LGBT rights is disturbing and reveals a movement that, whether through ignorance or choice, embraced a fascist aesthetic
Is that fair? The idea of reclaiming is to take the symbol away from the oppressor and redefine it, right?
ACT UP's use of the pink triangle and its analogies between the AIDS crisis and the Holocaust are presented as examples of "softcore" Holocaust denial that paved the way for later strained comparisons.
By 1987, the Nazi pink symbol gained American prominence when the AIDS
Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP) used it for its logo, which also read
âSilence Equals Death.â
Founded by Larry Kramer, ACT UPâs mission involved combating the publicâs indifference to âthe AIDS Holocaust.â Equating the epidemic with Jewish genocide, ACT UPâs gay pride float that year depicted a concentration camp within which activists posed behind barbed wire. Kramerâs book, Reports from the Holocaust: The Making of an AIDS Activist, further popularized this agitprop and the pink triangle marked its cover. As the HIV death toll mounted across the globe, ACT UPâs rhetoric and the Nazi triangle became internationally ubiquitous
So Elman believes this was softcore Holocaust denial through universalization/appropriation by the queer movement.
Holocaust images...absent the Jews. We see a lot of that on social media from the LGBTQ+ community right now.
BDS and "pinkwashing"
Sarah Schulman, an ACT UP alum, was as a key figure in popularizing the "pinkwashing" accusation against Israel. Here's an inside look at how that happened:
Sarah Schulmanâs astonishing tale of how she got an Op-Ed about Israeli pinkwashing into the New York Times.
And here's Schulman's 2011 NYT piece:
Israel is promoting its gay rights advances internationally to make it seem modern, veiling its violations of Palestiniansâ human rights.
If you need to get past the paywall, use this link.
Schulman's argument is that Israel's promotion of its LGBTQ+ rights is a cynical tactic to conceal human rights violations against Palestinians.
It couldn't be a natural outcome of an electorate with a majority which is socially liberal enough to not want to persecute their LGBTQ+ family members? Why not?
Oh, it's because Jews are sneaky and devious /s
Elman critiques Schulman's anti-racist pretense, arguing it invisibilizes Israel's diverse population and misrepresents the motivations behind Israel's LGBTQ+ initiatives.
The investment in Tel Aviv as a gay vacation destination is acknowledged, but its negative framing by BDS as "pinkwashing," says Elman, creates not just an entry point for antisemitism, but also a permission structure.
Soon "pinkwashing" took on a different meaning from the one intended by the women who originally coined it.
When applied by "pinkwatchers" whose sights are trained exclusively on Israel, the accusation became an entry point for antisemitism.
According to Wikipedia, it now describes "a variety of marketing and political strategies aimed at promoting products, countries, people or entities through an appeal to gay-friendliness in order to be perceived as progressive, modern and tolerant."
As Cary Nelson observed, "the pinkwashing accusation gives license" to condemn Israel, while discounting all of its achievements (e.g. legal protection against sexual orientation discrimination, recognition of same sex marriages, joint adoption, and open military service) without any reservation.
Want to know the first thing Sarah Schulman posted to Twitter on 10/7/23?
Here's Canary Mission's page about Schulman.
Elman continues:
There may be no better way to simultaneously encourage antisemitism and dismiss Israelâs LGBT initiatives (whatever their shortcomings) than to insist those efforts undermine the rights of Palestinians.
Were it not for BDS double-speak, Schulman could not maintain that she âneverâ betrayed queer people,
despite her having acted in âsolidarityâ with âpresumably straight Palestiniansâ to oppose Israelâs LGBT community.
Like countless other âqueersâ who take
âprideâ in being âashamedâ Jews, she received political âguidanceâ from
âpresumably straightâ folks like Omar Barghouti, the purported founder of
BDS.
Known for his explicit desire to âeuthanizeâ the âZionist projectâ and his vocal opposition to the two-state solution, Barghouti insists that not even âthe end of occupationâ will end his struggle.
Elman wraps up:
Like âIslamophobia,â âpinkwashingâ and its corollary âhomonationalismâ are accusations often employed to silence critics while simultaneously providing those who issue them the appearance of being concerned about LGBT people and other minorities. Yet, this posturing offers little in return.
In fact, these denunciations are in keeping with the Organisation of Islamic Cooperationâs longstanding assault on homosexual conduct, gender equality, and universal human rights at myriad UN fora under the insidious cover of anti-racism and anti-imperialism.
You can grab a PDF of the whole book here.
That BDS similarly promotes itself through the cynical appropriation of social movements and ostensibly progressive claims that vilify the Jewish state represents a consummate act of public diplomacy in which anti-semitism itself has been pinkwashed.
_________
You read the whole thing, so have a cookie: đŞ
[1] I agree with Neil Postman that the social sciences would more accurately be called moral theologies...and are not sciences.
You can read more about Postman's point here if you want to know what I mean by that..
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