âCultural studies chooses to go to the margins of society for its scholarly practice primarily in order to demonstrate the larger significance of those margins and to consider those who are otherwise unacknowledged⌠it is a demarginalization in the name of appreciating the value of social and cultural difference in modern complex social systems.â (Schwoch & White, 2006: 14)
In the most literal sense of the word, surfing is intrinsically a marginalised activity. The practise itself takes place on the very fringes of society, out beyond the topographical periphery, beyond the high-tide line and in a space governed more by shifting natural cycles than cultural doctrines and societal impositions. The surfing space is however not entirely out of cultures reach; rather it has been framed as âa place where nature meets culture; as a liminal space that is neither merely nature nor culture but somewhere in between (Fiske, 1989).â
 Prior to surfingâs early beginnings, a rough sea was considered to be out of cultures reach. The big surf was off-limits and never seen as a safe place for the land-dwelling, hominids. For millennia, the ocean was deemed a dangerous and unpredictable place, an untameable void that was rich in folklore about adversities at sea and mythologies involving monsters of the deep and the like.
There are a few varied opinions of where surfing was first practiced, but Ford and Brown side with the most commonly accepted view that its origins lie with either the pre-modern Pacific Island peoples of Hawaii or perhaps in the Marquesas (Ford & Brown, 2006). They reflect on surfingâs origins as the paradisal beginnings in a cultural context of a ritual pantheistic, as a spiritual harmony with nature (Ford & Brown, 2006).â This is the deeply nostalgic interpretation of surfingâs early culture, which is believed to have lasted for most of the last millennium until the arrival of British explorer Captain James Cook in the Waimea River in January of 1778. Upon his first observations of a surfer, Cook wrote in his daily log, âI could not help concluding, that this man felt the most supreme pleasure while he was driven so fast and so smoothly by the sea. (Warshaw. 2003)â Impressed as he evidently was, surfing was nevertheless shunned by colonial ideals of social order with early missionaries in Hawaii said to have strongly discouraged all indigenous athletic customs such as surfboard riding, ocean swimming, wrestling, dancing etc. (Marcus. 2002) â This was largely because, during that time, âthe concept of culture as an abstraction and an absolute emerged as a recognition of the practical separation of certain moral and intellectual activities from the rest of society and as an attempt to create ultimate values at which to aim and by which to judge other social and economic activities (Billington. 1991).â Surfing did simply not comply with what was then considered a moral or intellectual activity. Thus by 1838, a visitor to Hawaii had unsurprisingly noted that activities such as surfing were in opposition to the strict tents of Calvinism and were therefore being supressed. Believed to be against the laws of God, it was acknowledged that evangelists were âimpressing upon the minds of the chiefs and others, the idea that all who practice such activities secure the displeasure of offending heaven (Marcus. 2002).â The missionaries were so successful in their oppression of native traditions that by the turn of the 20th century, surfing in Hawaii had almost disappeared entirely with nothing but rumours remaining of surfers out in the remote corners of the islands. Fascinatingly however, when surfing was almost wiped of the map completely, it was at this time that the surfing renaissance began. Somewhat ironically, it was three white men who began championing the reintroduction of surfing to Hawaiian culture; their names were George Freeth, Alexander Hume Ford and Jack London (Marcus. 2002). During the first decade of the 1900âs London wrote beautifully of his firsthand surfing experiences, whilst Freeth was performing some of the earliest public surfing presentations and Ford was working tirelessly to develop the worldâs first surfing club. When he eventually succeeded The Hui Nalu in Waikiki was formed. A key member of this club, Duke Kahanamoku, who was famed for his surfing prowess and world-record holding swimming achievements, travelled to California in 1912 and then Sydney in 1915 where he performed the first international Hawaiian style surfing demonstrations. In Australia he attracted a crowd in the thousands to Freshwater Beach and put on such an inspiring display of riding upright on the waves that today heâs celebrated as the father of modern surfing for introducing the sport to the world (Warshaw, 2002).
Just shy of one century on from upright surfingâs addition to Australiaâs history, the sport has developed numerous subcultures and its popularity has grown exponentially. Â According to the Sweeney Report, there are now two and a half million surfers in Australia, approximately ten per cent of the countryâs population. Surfing has become an iconic Australian sport that gets practiced freely and plays a huge part in Australian culture and the Australian identity (Stark. 2010).Â
This wasnât always the case however. In fact, for the first half of the nineteenth century, Australian beach going was governed by the same Victorian code as in England. This included curfews for sea bathing (in general, no swimming between 7A.M. and 6P.M.), area restrictions, (no swimming in waters exposed to view from any wharf, street, public place or dwelling house), dress codes (neck-to-knee bathing costumes for both men and women), and gender segregation, with all relevant bylaws to be enforced by city-employed nuisance inspectors (Warshaw. 2011). During this period it is perhaps unsurprising that the pioneers of bodysurfing in Australia had developed a rebellious disregard for authority and following Dukeâs introduction of the surfboard they transmitted their roguish spirit so that âAustralian surfing began as an activity that defied rather then defined the austere cultural mindset of the early 1900âs (Miller. 2011)â.
This meant that surfers who werenât participating in Surf Life Saving affairs were met with similar scrutiny to that of the Indigenous Hawaiians for prioritising favourable surfing conditions over their âmore seriousâ responsibilities. The city beaches, where surfers wanted to surf, were unbearable for the surfers as they felt stuck between the structured nature of the Surf Life Saving clubs and the laws of local councils. Surfers were compelled to remain members of Surf Life Saving clubs due to the needs of storing their solid and heavy fifteen to eighteen foot surfboards at the clubhouses (Miller. 2011).
Up until the late 1960âs surfing continued to be affiliated with the counter cultural movements of Australia. Dress codes began to be directly challenged, after World War II when the two-piece bikini became popular. This was despite the strict policing of specific swimwear dimensions dictated by local government authority. Another restriction at the beaches for the surfers of the day was a compulsory registration of oneâs surfboard, which, to the inspectorâs discretion, could be confiscated at any time if not used correctly (Young, 1983).
It was 1969 that saw the humble beginnings of two of the now three behemoth Australian surf companies being established along Victoriaâs coastline. By the time the â70s arrived, most of the now-incomprehensible surfing restrictions had dissolved and the âshort board revolutionâ was really taking off with isolated pockets of structured competition surfing beginning to emerge. During this time, competitive surfing started to gain momentum in other parts of the world and it was 1976 that saw the first World Surfing Championship crowning Australian Peter Townend as the first ever World Champ (ASP. 2014). This proved to be the embryonic stages of the Association of Professional Surfers, which has since developed into the leading governing body of competitive surfing. By cultivating close ties with the ever-growing surf industry, the ASP and the âbig threeâ Australian surf companies have operated symbiotically to promote and profit from the commercialisation of surfing the world over. Rather ostentatiously presented competitions are now a large part of the costly but effective marketing strategies of the surf industry giants. Last years finale saw Australian Mick Fanning win the 2013 World Title and attracted over 10,000 spectators to Hawaiiâs North Shore. Thanks to the Internet the event also set a new record for the largest audience to ever witness an action sports event with more than 3.5 million fans streaming the event via the online webcast (Surfline. 2014).
 Today, with the surf industry currently riding the crest of an unprecedented economic boom, the sport has almost entirely âlost its image of being a thing for hippies and stoners, of being kinda ragtag. Surfing today is the Silicon Valley CEO. It's the brain surgeon. It's the super-athlete. It's dad, mom, and the kids. It's also significant business with the median American surfer earning $75,000 a year, and in 2010 some $6.3 billion was spent on boards, wetsuits, sunglasses, and other surf-related clothing and accessories. With the sport now swelling in Europe, China, and Korea, some analysts predict that the global surf industry will generate more than $13 billion by 2017 (Kvinta. 2013).â
The huge success of surfingâs commercialisation in Australia has finally put an end to the long struggle of many Australian surfers whoâd fought for the social validation of their pursuit. Synchronously however, the crowd-less waves of yesteryear have never seemed so appealing with increasing numbers joining the line-up every summer. Those old-tales of deep sea-monsters have been replaced by legendary surfing triumphs going down on days of perfect conditions with no-one around at the spots now notorious for the density of their crowds. Â It goes without saying that surfing in Australia is now rich with nostalgia.Today, commercial prosperity has meant that the surfing lifestyle is attracting tourist operators, entrepreneurs and marketing executives the world over. Itâs finally safe to say that the economic potential of this stubborn social movement is now being fully realised.Â
Surf shops can be now found as far flung from the ocean as Kansas City and the Czech Republic, so it comes as no real surprise that surfing had found itâs way into the cultural seaside mecca of Barcelona City. With history seemingly repeating itself, the surferâs of Barcelona, have had to seek their validation just as the early Australian surfers had done. Not only are they challenging the traditional ideas of the Catalan identity, but theyâre taunted for being completely committed to a past time that requires something they seldom get enough of -waves. Just like skiing or snowboarding in Australia, surfing in Barcelona is not an oxymoron, (Niega, 2010) it does happen, but the season is short and the conditions are rarely world-class. This hasnât restricted the calibre of surfing coming out of Barcelona because all of the surfers that are out there, are there because they want to be. Theyâre really out there for the love of it whereas in Australia surfing has become so mainstream that for some itâs almost become a duty, or rite of passage (Miller. 2011).
Given that surfing occupies this liminal and often dangerous space, the thrill of wave riding isnât accessible by those inexperienced with oceanic oscillations, movements and currents. As was the case initially in Australia, this has meant that only the fit, the agile, the young, brave and seaworthy are currently pursuing the sport in Barcelona. Thus, those taking to surfing are being commonly misunderstood by the older Catalan predispositions. In a time of economic turmoil, Spanish surfers are subject to similar branding that faced the early Australian surfers. Stereotypes such as the hedonistic âOtherâ, the vagrant, the dropout or the degenerate are all reflections of a collective cultural anxiety toward this nonchalant behaviour during a time of National financial hardship. Such denunciations not only reflect the anxieties about the countryâs economic situation but also serve to veil a reasonable and enduring apprehension toward a rough sea. As was the case in Australia, this has lead to surferâs in Barcelona being marginalised for being too busy surfing when they should be working or serving to the common military, political, religious or corporate agendas.
With the benefit of hindsight, it is now conceivable that within the negotiations of these social rigidities lies part of the compelling temptation that today draws millions of adventurous surfers seawards the world-over. Surfing has been labelled as counter to traditional dogmatic views, as anti-authoritarian, individualistic and rebellious. These values have become increasingly popular in a climate of societal pessimism toward the effects of an industrialisation thatâs led to unprecedented environmental destruction. The European financial system, built on unbridled growth is flailing and the capitalist profit motive is seeing that the rich get richer whilst the poor get poorer. It is within such a hostile global situation that surfingâs renegade lifestyle has muscled its way into pop-culture. In doing so it has allowed the desire of many to overcome their intergenerational fear of the ocean and bask in the simple and free pleasures derived from riding a wave.
It is within such a multidimensional context that I arrived at the Barcelona airport to see for myself what it meant to be a surfer in this bustling, sleepless city. These four essays are works of fiction that are largely based on my wanderings through the city, the interviews I conducted and conversations I had with the locals. Iâve structured them along a timeline to illustrate the historical parallels between Australian and Catalan surfing, hoping that my comparisons will highlight the many differences and similarities between two surf cultures from opposing sides of the planet.