
â
cherry valley forever
sheepfilms
RMH

Discoholic đȘ©
đ©” avery cochrane đ©”

PR's Tumblrdome

tannertan36
PUT YOUR BEARD IN MY MOUTH
h
NASA
2025 on Tumblr: Trends That Defined the Year
ojovivo

romaâ

Product Placement

Love Begins

gracie abrams

seen from TĂŒrkiye

seen from United States
seen from Ecuador

seen from France
seen from Malaysia
seen from France

seen from United States

seen from TĂŒrkiye
seen from Kyrgyzstan
seen from United States
seen from Saudi Arabia

seen from Venezuela

seen from Malaysia
seen from India

seen from United Kingdom
seen from Kazakhstan
seen from Colombia

seen from Germany
seen from Belgium
seen from United States
@omniheresies

Anya is live and ready to show you everything. Watch her strip, dance, and perform exclusive shows just for you. Interact in real-time and make your fantasies come true.
Free to watch âą No registration required âą HD streaming
"There is no confusion in spirituality. Everything is crystal clear. Only due to some personal, mundane, temporal, short-sighted and narrow-minded motives cum selfish sectarian propaganda, perplexion is deliberately created in immature neophyte minds by those adept in that skill." â By Acarya Sri RKDB 'AV'.
The unity of life (embodied) still exists and persists even if apparently preceded, surrounded and diffused (through and) by the tentacular spectacle. Bring it back to the terminus a quo or locus of self-as-(will or Self-of-)the-Ineffable-as Godhead-personified, the "primal point", however that is understood and practiced, and the spectacle as usurper and monster starts to lose and loose its grip (even as it continues on its merry way, spiralling into thanatos' arms, off the cliff into the abyss, 'out there')..slabbb-

Anya is live and ready to show you everything. Watch her strip, dance, and perform exclusive shows just for you. Interact in real-time and make your fantasies come true.
Free to watch âą No registration required âą HD streaming
the I Ching and the DNA code are following the exact same mathematical matrix.What gets stranger is what happens when you examine the hexagrammal field relationships to Eliphas Levi's Tarot correspondences.
Almost 7 days before I blacked out from exhaustion. Monster Hunter Portable 2nd G (plugged into charger) and good music to listen to. I lost track of time and didn't need to eat much because I was so focused on the game. I had a case of water nearby to stay hydrated and my room is right next to the bathroom. I had an electric tea kettle so I could just make food in my room whenever I needed to. I put up towels over the windows to help keep the room warm. Around day 2 I started hearing sounds from the game even though they weren't even playing. When I'd close my eyes, I would be playing the game in my head and practicing invincibility frame dodging attacks. I would get headaches because my pupils would stay dilated so I had to turn the lights down and lower the brightness on my PSP. Day 3 I would get bad heartburn on and off and my lungs/ribcage ached due to sitting in one position for so long so I started standing up to play until I started getting light headed and my vision got all swirly. Everything looked like it was breathing and it would twist in like a vortex motion. I couldn't look away from the PSP for too long or I would feel nauseous and disoriented. My tongue also started swelling up and my mouth would get dry and my lips were getting really chapped. My face was physically painful to touch and my heart was beating rapidly even though I was calm. Day 4 rolled around before I knew it and my eyes were stinging really horribly, like I got sprayed with pepper spray or got hot sauce in my eyes. I started having to constantly burp and if I didn't I would feel like vomiting. The hallucinations of the game got worse and if I'd look away from the PSP, I could still see my the game playing and when I'd press buttons or move the analog nub, my hallucinations would correspond and project what would happen in the game along with the sounds.
My ears started feeling a lot of pressure like they were plugged up and I'd have to spit every once in a while or I would start being able to hear myself breathing. It was like thick mucous/spit that stuck to my throat and tongue. It was almost like a slime that I'd hack up and it felt good to get it out of my lungs and throat. It's like when you are about to pass out and all sounds fade away into muffles and your brain is starting to shut down. I started getting shakes in my fingers and they felt cold and tingly like when your foot falls asleep or something. My thighs felt like they were bruised and my ab muscles got all mushy and it felt like my guts were going to seep out of my stomach under my skin. I had trouble staying warm and was constantly shivering even though I was wearing a jacket and long pants with socks. My neck felt like somebody hit me with a crowbar and it was really painful to look up. When playing I'd be looking down at my hands so that's what caused the stiff neck. Day 5 was when all the physical discomfort seemed to disappear and I felt like I was an energy being. I was connected to all the air in my room and was everywhere at once. The room was me and I was everything in the room. It felt like I was just a perspective in the room observing without any physical manifestation. My hands were merely an extension of the game and there to hold the PSP for me to view. I think I didn't have to blink as much and my breathing was much shallower. Only the absolute minimum amount of breathing to keep me alive. I was focused inside of the game and in a meditative like state, my body was another person and a machine to allow me to play the game. My body felt numb or I couldn't perceive my own existence within the material world or something. I can't really explain it because I don't think there are words in the English language that can really capture what it feels like to be so disconnected. In terms of the experience itself, it's similar to floating in water but you don't feel the water and you become the water while also being something within the water itself. You are inside yourself yet viewing your outside self from the inside while being an outside observer. And then you are separate from your inner self and outer self in some type of third consciousness.
Sounds no longer are sounds but emotions that are flowing through the air. Colors turn into emotions every sensation stops being what it is in regular reality and turns into a cosmic language that's universally understood by you. You have no idea what it is saying yet you understand what is being said with crystal clarity. Day 6 and I was starting to feel heavy everywhere and everything started moving in slow motion with blurs and delays with interpreting information. I would hear something and then it would happen or I'd see something and then later hear what had happened like 5 seconds later. The emotional responses and interpretations were easy to understand but I started getting really confused from any type of sensation. I don't remember if I was still playing the game or not but I think I was. I would look around and see the game environment around me in like a first person view but I would see my character move when I wanted. It wasn't third person even though I was looking from that perspective, I was there and at the same time an observer but simultaneously in two places at once existing as two separate things that are actually only one unit. It's again difficult to describe with language because it was an experience beyond external comprehension. I remember going into a gray cave in the jungle an there was flowing water under me. The water made a hissing sound but it was soothing to hear. All of a sudden the ground started to envelop me. It didn't wrap around me and I didn't sink into it or anything but I was projecting my consciousness into it. I was zooming into it in greater detail. I traveling to a different dimension just by focusing. I was integrating the ground into my nature and I was expanding.
I was transcending the laws of space and time overcome with immense happiness. I just felt like laughing all of a sudden and was the happiest I have ever been in my life. I kept laughing and laughing and I kept expanding as I laughed. The more I expanded as an energy being, the more I was everything and my body/being was a whole dimensional universe. I don't remember what happened after that because I blacked out from laughing and woke up with a bunch of blood in my mouth. I'm probably missing a lot of details but this is the best that I can remember it. I do remember how the experience felt though and I don't think I can forget it even if I want to.
[10/07/14 (Tue) 09:38:13] Contrast this perhaps "monkish" type with:
One time I stayed up for 8 days. I'd had just gotten out of the hospital for reasons and I was in constant pain and couldn't sleep even if I tried. So to pass the time I played video games and watched the currently airing anime. Before I realized it, 5 days had already passed. I still felt fine, and was still in a lot of pain if I tried to do anything involving leaving my room (luckily I keep rations in there) so I hung out there for the next couple of days, trying to sleep every so often but not able to. On the eighth day, I realized that there was a bunch of morphine and other painkillers that they sent me home with and I felt like a fucking retard. I ended up taking like 2x the recommended dosage and slept for almost 2 days straight afterwards.
[10/21/14 (Tue) 04:26:28]
As it turns out, Whedon's objection is not purely aesthetic. He dislikes "ist" he says, not just for its sound, but for its meaning. The problem, he says, is that "you can't be born an âist. It's not natural." Therefore, he says, "feminist includes the idea that believing men and women to be equal ... is not a natural state." The word "feminist" suggests that "the idea of equality is just an idea that is imposed on us." But Whedon argues that equality is natural; that we're born with it, like the prelapsarian innocents Rousseau wrote about, and it's only when evil society gets its hands on us that we get rape culture and pay discrimination and whatnot.
Will Power may or may not achieve what it sets out to achieve - but it is essentially an attempt to impose ourselves upon the world; and therefore extremely prone to be evil in motivation and effect. * The Will is something altogether different in its nature and operation. It is our true, higher, individual Self; that contains an element of, and is in communication with, God.
That fact that I have seen people (on MANY occasions) use the term "gayfag" should show you just how seriously we DON'T take labels. We spew what sounds to outsiders like the most vile hateful shit at each other constantly, but the truth is, what we've done is pretty fucking beautiful. We've disarmed all slurs. We've diluted all profanity. Everyone is a shitdickedniggerfaggotkike-etc. Everything is fucking shit. Thanks to anonymity we can say whatever we want, so people just say the most offensive shit they can all the time. But by using all this shit casually we've robbed it of it's hurtful meaning. When everyone is a 'fag' the word turns from a slur into just a word. A joke. Hell it's practically a term of endearment now. We've accidentally fostered an environment that slowly destroys prejudices and erases slurs. This is ironically a far 'safer' space than Tumblr will ever be. And that is fucking hilarious.

Anya is live and ready to show you everything. Watch her strip, dance, and perform exclusive shows just for you. Interact in real-time and make your fantasies come true.
Free to watch âą No registration required âą HD streaming
Here are some random thoughts inspired by the posts in this thread. I can't remember where, but I once heard of chans described as the collective unconscious of the internet. I've always felt like that's very true. Almost everything starts with us in some way. I have to wonder, is this what happens when the unconscious collective is woken? Chan culture is almost as counter-cultural as you get, but we are still defined by mainstream culture. Is this what happens we are allowed to fester for long enough? Perhaps this is just what happens when people forget to fear the wrath of a reasonable man. If ideology poisons morality then a place without unifying ideology is the most moral. On some level I view this as a conflict between the ideas of subjectivity vs. objectivity. In a place where everything is nebulous, vague and unverifiable, maybe we truly understand the value of evidence, truth and objectivity.
We're working with Reddit. On Twitter. We're fighting for justice. We're fighting for the equal treatment of all minorities and sexualities. We're fighting all kinds of bullshit. We're doing it on the up and up with polite emails and fact finding. Something Awful has returned as a villain Shredded Moose has returned. It is the end times.
[10/19/14 (Sun) 07:43:01]
That's the thing though. We've not really been the badguys before. Sure we do shit for the lulz, and our boards are abrasive to new comers but in general we're dickasses who do good things from time to time. Think about when people post pictures/videos of them hurting animals, and /b/ tracked them down and informed the police. We're antisocial, don't care about normalfag acceptance, but we look out for each other, if in a strange way. We're Chaotic Neutral with some occasional Chaotic Good leanings. So don't feel weird about it you faggot.
[10/19/14 (Sun) 07:28:07Â I]
The most striking feature of the ritual was for me the use of the averse pentagram. The rite didn't seem demonic to me, at least in the Ozzy Osborne sense of the term. So why were the stars averse instead of aright?
After a few days of practice, I felt that I had "gotten" it. When we draw the pentagram aright, we affirm the spirit's control over the elements. By the averse pentagram, we acknowledge the elements' control over the spirit. This is our ordinary state, except that ordinarily, we do not recognize it. With the regular pentagram, we lift ourselves from the darkness into the light. With Liber Reguli, we develop the ability to see in the dark, so to speak. The more I practiced Reguli, the more integrated I felt with parts of myself that had previously gone unnoticed. Overall, I found the experience to be settling and calming.
It wasn't until I moved to California that I heard the accepted wisdom: "What a work of mischief, to get Second Degrees performing Reguli every day!" In my adopted homeland, it seemed that most magicians who worked with Reguli, er, regularly, found it to be rapidly and profoundly disruptive.
Never mind whiteness donât real, even Germany donât real. All European countries are mini-empires, and the thedes have not forgotten.
[Alrenous October 16th, 2014 at 10:09 am @ OutsideIn]

Anya is live and ready to show you everything. Watch her strip, dance, and perform exclusive shows just for you. Interact in real-time and make your fantasies come true.
Free to watch âą No registration required âą HD streaming
The 3-ladder system of social class in the U.S.
Typical depictions of social class in the United States posit a linear, ordered hierarchy. Iâve actually come to the conclusion that there are 3 distinct ladders, with approximately four social classes on each. Additionally, there is an underclass of people not connected to any of the ladders, creating an unlucky 13th social class. Iâll attempt to explain how this three-ladder system works, what it means, and also why it is a source of conflict. The ladders I will assign the names Labor, Gentry, and Elite. My specific percentage estimates of each category are not derived from anything other than estimation based on what Iâve seen, and my limited understanding of the macroeconomics of income in the United States, so donât take them for more than an approximation. Iâll assess the social role of each of these classes in order, from bottom to top.
This is, one should note, an exposition of social class rather than income. Therefore, in many cases, precise income criteria cannot be defined, because thereâs so much more involved. Class is more sociological in nature than wealth or income, and much harder to change. People can improve their incomes dramatically, but itâs rare for a person to move more than one or two rungs in a lifetime. Social class determines how a person is perceived, that personâs access to information, and what opportunities will be available to a person.
Underclass (10%). The underclass are not just poor, because there are poor people on the Labor ladder and a few (usually transiently or voluntarily) on the Gentry ladder who are poor. In fact, most poor Americans are not members of the Underclass. People in the Underclass are generationally poor. Some have never held jobs. Some are third-generation jobless, even. Each of these ladders (Labor, Gentry, Elite) can be seen as an infrastructure based, in part, on social connections. There are some people who are not connected to any of these infrastructures, and they are the underclass.
The Labor Ladder (65%). This represents âblue-collarâ work and is often associated with âworking classâ, but some people in this distinction earn solidly âmiddle-classâ incomes over $100,000 per year. What defines the Labor ladder is that the work is seen as a commodity, and that thereâs rarely a focus on long-term career management. People are assessed based on how hard they work because, in this world, the way to become richer is to work more (not necessarily more efficiently or âsmarterâ). The Labor ladder is organized almost completely based on income; the more you make (age-adjusted) the higher your position is, and the more likely it is that your work is respected.
Secondary Labor (L4, 30%) is what we call the âworking poorâ. These are people who earn 1 to 3 times the minimum wage and often have no health benefits. Many work two âpart timeâ jobs at 35 hours per week (so their firms donât have to provide benefits) with irregular hours. They have few skills and no leverage, so they tend to end up in the worst jobs, and those jobs enervate them so much that it becomes impossible for them to get the skills that would help them advance. The reason for the name Secondary in this class is that they are trapped in the âsecondaryâ labor market: jobs originally intended for teenagers and well-off retirees that were never intended to pay a living wage. Wages for this category are usually quoted hourly and between $5 and $15 per hour.
Primary Labor (L3, 20%) is what we tend to associate with âblue-collarâ America. If by âaverageâ we mean median, this is the average social class of Americans, although most people would call it working class, not middle. It usually means having enough money to afford an occasional vacation and a couple restaurant meals per month. People in the L3 class arenât worried about having food to eat, but they arenât very comfortable either, and an ill-timed layoff can be catastrophic. If the market for their skills collapses, they can end up falling down a rung into L4. When youâre in the Labor category, market forces can propel you up or down, and the market value of âcommodityâ labor has been going down for a long time. Typical L3 compensation is $20,000 to $60,000 per year.
In the supposed âgolden ageâ of the United States (the 1950s) a lot of people were earning L2 compensation for L3 work. In a time when well-paid but monotonous labor was not considered such a bad thing (to people coming off the Great Depression and World War II, stable but boring jobs were a godsend) this was seen as desirable, but we canât go back to that, and most people wouldnât want to. Most Millennials would be bored shitless by the jobs available in that era that our society occasionally mourns losing.
High-skill Labor (L2, 14%)Â entails having enough income and job security to be legitimately âmiddle classâ. People in this range can attend college courses, travel internationally (but not very often) and send their children to good schools. Plumbers, airline pilots, and electricians are in this category, and some of these people make over $100,000 per year. For them, there must be some barrier to entry into their line of work, or some force keeping pay high (such as unionization). Within the culture of the Labor ladder, these people are regarded highly.
Labor Leadership (L1, 1%) is the top of the Labor ladder, and itâs what blue-collar America tends to associate with success. (The reason they fail to hate âthe 1%â is that they think of L1 small business owners, rather than blue-blooded parasites, as ârich peopleâ.) These are people who, often through years of very hard work and by displaying leadership capability, have ascended to an upper-middle-class income. They arenât usually âmanagersâ (store managers are L2) but small business owners and landlords, while theyâre often seen doing the grunt work of their businesses (such as by running the register when all the cashiers call in sick). They can generate passive income from endeavors like restaurant franchises and earn a solidly upper-middle income standing, but culturally they are still part of Labor. This suits them well, because where they excel is at leading people who are in the Labor category.
The Gentry Ladder (23.5%). England had a landed gentry for a while. We have an educated one. Labor defines status based on the market value of oneâs commodity work. The Gentry rebels against commoditization with a focus on qualities that might be, from an extensional perspective, irrelevant. They dislike conflict diamonds, like fair-trade coffee, and drive cultural trends. In the 1950s, they were all about suburbia. In 2012, they had the same enthusiasm for returning to the cities. They value themselves not based on their incomes but, much more so, on access to respected institutions: elite universities, leading technology companies, museums and artistic endeavors. Labor aspires to occupational success and organizational leadership, while the Gentry aspires to education and cultural leadership.
Before going further, itâs worth noting that the typical socioeconomic ordering would have each Gentry level two levels above the corresponding Labor level in social standing. Thus, G1 > G2 > (G3 ~= L1) > (G4 ~= L2) > L3 > L4.
Transitional Gentry (G4, 5%)Â is the lowest rung of the Gentry ladder. Typically, I think of community colleges when trying to explain G4. Itâs the class of people who are coming into the Gentry, usually from L2, and most people in it are looking to attain G3 (and many do). Since the Gentry is defined by education, culture, and cultural influence, earning a four-year degree (which about 20% of American adults have) will usually put a person solidly into G3.
Mobility between G4 and L2 is common, and G4 is a âyoung peopleâ class, because people who donât keep abreast of politics, current events, and at least the âupper-middle-browâ culture of shows like Mad Men [0] tend to return to L2 (which is not an inferior class, but an approximately-equal one with different values). Those who keep up tend to progress to G3.
[0] A couple of people have emailed me to ask why I âknockedâ Mad Men. That wasnât my intention. Itâs an excellent show. âUpper-middle-browâ is not panning. Iâm lower-middle-brow on a good day.
Primary Gentry (G3, 16%)Â is what Americans think of as the cultural âupper-middle classâ. They have four-year college degrees and typically have professional jobs of middling autonomy and above-average income, but usually not leadership positions. Incomes in this class vary widely (in part, because the Gentry is not defined by income) but generally fall between $30,000 and $200,000 per year. People in this class tend to be viewed as taste-setters by Labor but are viewed as gauche by the higher-ranking G1 and G2 classes.
High Gentry (G2, 2.45%) tend to come from elite colleges and traditionally gravitated toward âjunior executiveâ roles in medium-sized companies, innovative startups, management consultancies, and possibly investment banking (which facilitates the G2-E4 transition). But G2âs wouldnât be caught dead in jobs that seem perfectly fine to G3âs, which they view (often rightly) to be dead ends. Having interesting, respected work is important to G2âs. To a G2, being a college professor, scientist, entrepreneur, or writer are desirable jobs. Creative control of work is important to G2âs, although not all are able to get it (because creative jobs are so rare). David Brooksâs Bobos in Paradise captured well the culture of G2âs in that time. Members of this social class aggressively manage their careers to get the most out (in terms of intellectual and financial reward) of their careers, but what they really want is enough success and money to do what they really value, which is to influence culture.
G2 is my native social class, and probably that of most of my readers.
Cultural Influencers (G1, 0.05%) are the pinnacle of the Gentry. Jon Stewart is a classic example. He probably makes a âmerelyâ upper-middle-class income working for the notoriously cheap Comedy Central, but he has the most well-regarded members of the intelligentsia on his show every night. For G1, Iâm not talking about âcelebritiesâ. Celebrities are a bizarre and tiny category that mixes all three ladders (Iâd argue that theyâre the upper tier of L1; most lack the power of Elites and the refinement of the Gentry). Rather, Iâm talking about people who are widely recognized as smart, knowledgeable, creative, and above all, interesting. They tend also to have access to other interesting people. G1âs are not âfamousâ in the celebrity sense, and most of them arenât that rich. Iâd guess that their incomes vary mostly from $100,000 to $1 million per year, which is low for a social class that is so difficult to enter (much harder than E4, and possibly E3, to get into).
Itâs quite likely that G1 is expanding, and it was probably much smaller in the past. The internet is allowing more people to become well-known and have some degree of cultural influence. Many bloggers have entered G1 without relying on established institutions such as publishers or universities (which used to be the only way). That said, G1 requires reliability in attention; people having their 15 minutes donât count.
The Elite Ladder (1.5%). This is an infrastructure âat the top of societyâ, but many of the people it includes are in many ways nowhere near the top. People complain about âthe 1 percentâ, but the reality is that most of that top 1.0% are nowhere near controlling positions within society.
Not all of the Elite are in the top 1% for income, but most will have the opportunity to be. The Elite includes everyone from billionaires to out-of-college investment banking analysts (who earn a middle-class income in one of the most expensive cities on the planet). What they have in common is that they are exerting themselves toward ownership. Labor provides the work and values effort and loyalty. The Gentry provides culture and it values education and creativity. The Elite owns things and values control and establishment.
As with the Gentry and Labor, when comparing these ladders, one should consider an Elite rung to be two levels above the corresponding Gentry rung, so in terms of social standing, E1 > E2 > (E3 ~= G1) > (E4 ~= G2) > G3 > G4.
The Strivers (E4, 0.5%)Â are another transitional class that is generally for young people only. They arenât actually Elite, but they might, if lucky, move into E3. Junior investment bankers, law firm associates, and young startup entrepreneurs are in this category. Theyâre trying to âbreak inâ to something rich and successful. If they get in, theyâll become solid E3. If they fail in doing so, they usually return to G2: upper-middle-class professionals not strongly bound to the Elite infrastructure. G2 is usually a happier place than E4, but E3âs and E4âs tend to deride this transition. In startups, a business move favoring this step (toward G1-2 upper-middle-class stability) is derided as a âlifestyle businessâ.
Elite Servants (E3, 0.8%)Â are the law-firm partners and senior investment bankers and corporate executives that might be called the âworking richâ and they comprise what was once called the âwhite-shoeâ culture. Theyâre quite well-off, as far as servants go, often earning incomes from $200,000 to $5 million per year, but their social standing is conditional. They serve the rich, and the rich have to keep finding them useful for them to maintain their place. Itâs not an enviable place to be, because the social expectations associated with maintaining E3 status require high spending, and even the extremely well-compensated ($1 million per year and up) E3âs rarely have the savings to survive more than a year or two without a job, because of the need to maintain connections. E3âs tend to have as many money problems as people in the lower social classes. E3âs also suffer because they live in a âsmall worldâ society driven by reputation, long-standing grudges and often petty contempt. E3âs still get firedâ a lot, because the pretense that justifies E3-level status (of a large-company âexecutiveâ) requires leadership and many donât have itâ and when it happens to them, they can face years during which they canât find appropriate employment.
People tend to think of face leaders (politicians and CEOs) as belonging to a higher social class, but most are E3. If they were higher, they wouldnât have to work so hard to be rich. Examining our most recent presidents, Barack Obama is G1, the George Bushes were E2, Bill Clinton was E3, and Reagan was in the celebrity category that is a hybrid of E3 and L1. John Kennedy was E2, while Lyndon Johnson was L1. Most CEOs, however, are strictly E3, because CEOs are ârubber glovesâ that are used for dirty work and thrown aside if they get too filthy. Thereâs too much reputation risk involved in being a corporate CEO for an E2 to want the job under most circumstances.
National Elite (E2, 0.19%)Â are what most Americans think of as âupper classâ or âold moneyâ. They have Roman Numerals in their names, live in the Hamptons (although theyâve probably stopped using âsummerâ as a verb now that âthe poorsâ know about it) and their families have attended Ivy League colleges for generations. Theyâre socially very well connected and have the choice not to work, or the choice to work in a wide array of well-compensated and highly-regarded jobs. Rarely do they work full time under traditional employment termsâ never as subordinates, sometimes as executives in an apprentice role, often in board positions or âadvisoryâ roles. Itâs uncommon that an E2 will put a full-time effort into anything, because their objective with work is to associate their names with successful institutions, but not to get too involved.
To maintain E2 status, being wealthy is required. It takes about $500,000 per year, after tax, in income at a minimum. However, itâs not hard for a person with E2 status and connections to acquire this, even if the family money is lost. The jobs that E3âs regard as the pinnacle of professional achievement (the idea that such a notion as âprofessional achievementâ exists is laughable to them; paid full-time work is dishonorable from an E2 perspective) are their safety careers.
Global Elite (E1, ~60,000 people worldwide, about 30% of those in the U.S.) are a global social class, and extremely powerful in a trans-national way. These are the very rich, powerful, and deeply uncultured barbarians from all over the world who start wars in the Middle East for sport, make asses of themselves in American casinos, rape ski bunnies at Davos, and run the world. Like the Persian army in 300, they come from all over the place; theyâre the ugliest and most broken of each nation. Theyâre the corporate billionaires and drug kingpins and third-world despots and real estate magnates. Theyâre not into the genteel, reserved âWASP cultureâ of E2âs, the corporate earnestness and âwhite shoeâ professionalism of E3âs, or the hypertrophic intellectualism and creativity of G1âs and G2âs. They are all about control, and on a global scale. To channel Heisenberg, theyâre in the empire business. They arenât mere management or even âexecutivesâ. Theyâre owners. They donât care what they own, or what direction the world takes, as long as theyâre on top. They almost never take official executive positions within large companies, but they make a lot of the decisions behind the scenes.
Unlike the National Elite, who tend toward a cultural conservatism and a desire to preserve certain traits that they consider necessary to national integrity, the Global Elite doesnât give a shit about any particular country. Theyâre fully multinational and view all the worldâs political nations as entities to be exploited (like everything else). They foster corruption and crime if it serves their interests, and those interests are often ugly. Like Kefka from Final Fantasy VI, their reason for living is to create monuments to nonexistence.
For the other social classes, thereâs no uniform moral assumption that can apply. G1âs are likable and often deserving cultural leaders, but sometimes foolish, overrated, incompetent, infuriatingly petty, and too prone to groupthink to deserve their disproportionate clout. G2âs tend to have the best (or at least most robust) taste, because they donât fall into G1 self-referentiality, but can be just as snooty and cliquish. As âpro-Gentryâ as I may seem, itâs a massive simplification to treat that set as entirely virtuous. Likewise, the lower elite ranks (E2, E3, E4) also have their mix of good and bad people. There are E2âs who want to live well and decently, E3âs trying to provide for their families, and E4âs trying to get in because they were brought up to climb the ladder. On the other hand, E1 is pretty much objectively evil, without exceptions. There are decent people who are billionaires, so thereâs no income or wealth level at which 100% objective evil becomes the norm. But if you climb the social ladder, you get to a level at which itâs all cancer, all the way up. Thatâs E1. Why is it this way? Because the top end of the worldâs elite is a social elite, not an economic one, and you donât get deep into an elevated social elite unless you are very simliar to the center of that cluster, and for the past 10,000 years the center of humanityâs top-of-the-top cluster has always been deep, featureless evil: people who burn peasantsâ faces off because it amuses them. Whether youâre talking about a real person like Hitler, Stalin, Erik Prince, Osama bin Laden, or Kissinger, or a fictional example like The Joker, Kefka, Walter White, or Randall Flagg; when you get to the top of society, itâs always the same guy. Call it The Devil, but whatâs scary is that it needs (and has) no supernatural powers; itâs human, and while one its representatives might get knocked off, another one will step up.
Ladder conflict. What does all this mean? How do these ladders interrelate? Do these three separate social class structures often find themselves at odds and fight? Can people be part of more than one?
What Iâve called the Labor, Gentry, and Elite âladdersâ can more easily be described as âinfrastructuresâ. For Labor, this infrastructure is largely physical and the relevant connection is knowing how to use that physical device or space, and getting people to trust a person to competently use (without owning, because thatâs out of the question for most) these resources. For the Gentry, itâs an âinvisible graphâ of knowledge and education and âinterestingnessâ, comprised largely of ideas. For the Elite, itâs a tight, exclusive network centered on social connections, power, and dominance. People can be connected to more than one of these infrastructures, but people usually bind more tightly to the one of higher status, except when at the transitional ranks (G4 and E4) which tend to punt people who donât ascend after some time. The overwhelmingly high likelihood is that a person is aligned most strongly to one and only one of these structures. The values are too conflicting for a person not to pick one horse or the other.
Iâve argued that the ladders connect at a two-rung difference, with L2 ~ G4, L1 ~ G3, G2 ~ E4, and G1 ~ E3. These are âsocial equivalenciesâ that donât involve a change in social status, so theyâre the easiest to transitions to make (in both directions). They represent a transfer from one form of capital to another. A skilled laborer (L2) who begins taking night courses (G4) is using time to get an education rather than more money. Likewise, one who moves from the high gentry (G2) to a 90-hour-per-week job in private wealth management (E4) is applying her refined intellectual skills and knowledge to serving the rich, in the hope of making the connections to become one of them.
That said, these ladders often come into conflict. The most relevant one to most of my readers will be the conflict between the Gentry and the Elite. The Gentry tends to be left-libertarian and values creativity, individual autonomy, and free expression. The Elite tends toward center-right authoritarianism and corporate conformity, and it views creativity as dangerous (except when applied to hiding financial risks or justifying illegal wars). The Gentry believes that it is the deserving elite and the face of the future, and that it can use culture to engineer a future in which its values are elite; while the upper tier of the Elite finds the Gentry pretentious, repugnant, self-indulgent, and subversive. The relationship between the Gentry and Elite is incredibly contentious. Itâs a cosmic, ubiquitous war between the past and the future.
Between the Gentry and Labor, there is an attitude of distrust. The Elite has been running a divide-and-conquer strategy between these two categories for decades. This works because the Elite understands (and can ape) the culture of the Gentry, but has something in common with Labor that sets the categories apart from the Gentry: a conception of work as a theater for masculine dominance. This is something that the Elite and Labor both believe inâ the visceral strength and importance of the alpha-male in high-stakes gambling settings such as most modern workâ but that the Gentry would rather deny. Gender is a major part of the Eliteâs strategy in turning Labor against the Gentry: make the Gentry look effeminate. Thatâs why âfeministâ is practically a racial slur, despite the world desperately needing attention to womenâs political equality, health and well-being (that is, feminism).
The Elite also uses the Underclass in a different process: the Elite wants Labor think the Gentry intends to conspire with the Underclass to dismantle Labor values and elevate these âobviously undeservingâ people to, at least, the status of Labor if not promoted above them. They exploit fear in Labor. One might invoke racism and the âSouthern strategyâ in politics as an example of this, but the racial part is incidental. The Elite donât care whether itâs blacks or Latinos or âilligalsâ or red-haired people or homosexuals (most of whom are not part of the Underclass) that are being used to frighten Labor into opposing and disliking the Gentry; they just know that the device works and that it has pretty much always worked.
The relationship between the Gentry and Elite is one of open rivalry, and that between the Gentry and Labor is one of distrust. What about Labor and the Elite? That one is not symmetric. The Elite exploit and despise Labor as a class comprised mostly of âuseful idiotsâ. How does Labor see the Elite? They donât. The Elite has managed to convince Labor that the Gentry (who are open about their cultural elitism, while the Elite hides its social and economic elitism) is the actual âliberal eliteâ responsible for Laborâs misery over the past 30 years. In effect, the Elite has constructed an âinfinity poolâ where the Elite appears to be a hyper-successful extension of Labor, lumping these two disparate ladders into an âusâ and placing the Gentry and Underclass into âthemâ.
Analysis of current conflict.
Despite its upper ranks being filled by people who are effectively thugs, the Elite isnât entirely evil. By population, most of them are merely E3 and E4 stewards with minimal decision-making power, and a lot of those come from (and return to) the Gentry and maintain those values. On the other hand, Elite values tend to be undesirable, because at that structureâs pinnacle are the E1 crime bosses. There are good people within the Elite, even though the Elite itself is not good.
For virtue, the Gentry does better. I donât want to fall into the American fallacy of conflating âmiddle classâ with virtue, and there are some awful and good people in all social classes, but I think that the Gentry is a more inclusive and reflective eliteâ one of ideas and values, not based on exclusivity.
One Gentry stronghold for a long time has been high technology, a meritocracy where skill, know-how, and drive enabled a person to rise to technical leadership of increasing scope and eventually business leadership and entrepreneurship. This created the engineering culture of Hewlett-Packard (before Fiorina) and the âDonât Be Evilâ mantra of Google. This is Gentry culture asserting itself. Be ethical, seek positive-sum outcomes, and win by being great rather than by harming, robbing, or intimidating others. Itâs not how business is practiced in most of the worldâ zero-sum thuggery is a lot more commonâ but itâs how great businesses are made. This weird world in which self-made success was regarded higher than entrenchment, symbolized in Silicon Valley, enabled people from the Gentry to become very rich and Gentry ideas to establish lasting success in business.
What has made America great, especially from 1933 until now, has been the self-assertion of the Gentry following the defeat of the Elite. The first half of the American Era (1933 to 1973) utterly emasculated the Elite. Their rapacious greed and world-fucking parasitism was repaid with 90-percent tax rates, and they told to consider themselves lucky that it wasnât full-on socialism (or a violent revolution in which they all died, Paris-1793-style). The so-called âWASP cultureâ of the E2 class derives many of its norms from the paranoia of that period (when the global elite was very small, and they were the ârobber baronâ elite). For example, the demand that a house not be visible from the road comes from a time in which that was physically dangerous. This four-decade curtailment of the American Elite, and the more resounding destruction of the European ones, was one of the best things that ever happened to the world. It made the golden age of Silicon Valley possible.
There are a lot of reasons why this âgolden ageâ of a disempowered Elite was able to occur, but World War II was the biggest of all of them. Future historians will probably regard the two World Wars as one monstrous conflict, with a period of crippling, worldwide economic depression between them. Few disagree with the claim, for example, that the resolution of the First World War led inexorably to the evils of totalitarianism and the Second of these wars. This giant and largely senseless conflictâs causes seem complexâ historians are still debating World War Iâs inceptionâ but the short version is that the worldâs Elites did that. There was a 30-year period of war, famine, poverty, racial pogroms, and misery that existed largely because a network of high-level obligations and horrendous ideas (especially the racism used to justify colonialism, which benefitted the rich of these societies enormously, but sent the poor to die in unjust wars, contract awful diseases for which they had no immunity, and commit atrocities) set the conditions up. After about a hundred million deaths and thirty tears of war, societies finally decided, âNo Moreâ. They dismantled their Elites vigorously, North American and European nations included. This became the âgolden ageâ of the educated Gentry. In the U.S. (for which the 1950s were a decade of prosperity; in Europe, it was a period of rebuilding and not very prosperous) it was also the âgolden age of the middle classâ.
However, the Elite has brought itself back to life. This Gilded Age isnât as bad as the last one, but itâs heading that way. It started in the late 1970s when the U.S. fell in love again with elitism: Studio 54, cocaineâ a drug that captures the personality of that cultural change well, because its effect is to flood the brain with dopamine, causing extreme arroganceâ and âtrickle-down economicsâ.
Assessing the present state of conflict requires attention to what each party wants. What does the Gentry want? The Gentry has a strange, love-hate relationship with capitalism. Corporations are detested (even more than they deserve) by this class and most people in the Gentry want the U.S. to look more like Europe: universal healthcare, decent vacation allotments, and cheap, ecologically sound high-speed trains. This might give the impression of a socialist bent, and that impressionâs not wrong. Yet their favorite places are New York (the center of capitalism) and Silicon Valley (also fiercely capitalistic). Although left-leaning, the Gentry are strong champions for non-corporate capitalism. There is no contradiction here. European social democracies have also managed to create hybrid systems that combine the safety and infrastructure of socialism with the innovation and individual liberty of capitalism: the best of both worlds.
For a contrast, what the Elite has been pushing for is the worst of both worlds, at least for average people. The truth of corporate âcapitalismâ is that it provides the best of both systems (socialism and capitalism) for the Elite and the worst of both for everyone else. Itâs a welfare state in which only very well-connected people are citizens, it favors command economies (which are what most corporations are, internally) and it stifles the positive-sum innovation that is capitalismâs saving grace. The upper tier of society wants social stability for themselves (to stay in and keep others out) but they favor extreme economic variability (also known as âinequalityâ) because it gives them more opportunities to exploit their social status for economic gain (read: private-sector corruption).
Air travel in the contemporary U.S. is an illustrative example of this âworst of both worldsâ scenario: the pricing is erratic, unreasonable, and even a bit mean-spirited, which shows the volatility of capitalism, while the low quality of service and the abysmal morale of the industry feel like direct transplants from the Soviet Union.
The future.
A major battle is coming, with all three of these categories (Labor, Gentry, and Elite) involved. The Gentry and the Elite are at fundamental opposites on the type of society they want to see and, for decades, the Elite has been winning, but their victories are becoming harder to win as technology opens up the world. Labor might seem like a nonparticipant in the ideological battles, but they comprise most of the casualties, and theyâve seen shells land in their backyard (especially if they live in Detroit). Not only are they losing their jobs and social status, but their communities have been demolished.
Something else is happening, which is relevant both in a macrohistorical sense and to the U.S. in 2012. One way to divide human history is into three eras: pre-Malthusian, trans-Malthusian, and post-Malthusian. I refer, of course, to the prediction of Thomas Malthus, early in the Industrial Revolution, that population growth in contemporary societies would lead to a catastrophe because population grew exponentially, while economic growth was linear. He was wrong. Economic growth has always been exponential, but for most of human history it has had a very slow (under 1% per year) exponential curveâ slower than population growth, and slow enough to look linear. His mathematical model was wrong, but his conclusionâ that population grows until it is checked (i.e. people die) by disease, famine, and warâ was true in nature and of almost every human society from the dawn of time to about 1800. He was wrong that it would afflict England and the richer European countries in the mid-19th centuryâ because the Industrial Revolution accelerated economic growth enough to prevent a global Malthusian crunch. On the other hand, there were local Malthusian catastrophes. Ireland endured severe poverty and oppression, colonialism was deeply horrible and did, in fact, represent many of the vices Malthus warned about.
The world was pre-Malthusian when societies were doomed to grow faster in population than in their ability to support it. This led, over the millennia, to certain assumptions about society that can be categorized as âzero-sumâ. For one tribe to take care of its young, another tribe must lose wealth or be destroyed. For English to be rich, Irish must starve. For Southern whites to live well, blacks must be slaves. For capital to be profitable, labor must be exploited. If Catholic Spain has one colony, Protestant England must have more. For the German people to have âlebensraumâ, Central European countries must be invaded and their inhabitants killed. âMedievalâ horrors were an artifact of the Malthusian reality of that time, but such atrocities continued even as the long-standing Malthusian inequality (population growth being greater than economic growth) reversed itself.
We are now in a trans-Malthusian state, and have been for about two hundred years. Global economic growth is now over 4% per year, which is the fastest it has ever been, and thereâs no sign of it slowing down. The world has a lot of problems, and there are pockets of severe decay, corruption, and poverty; but on the whole, itâs becoming a better place, and at an accelerating (hyper-exponential) rate. The world is no longer intrinsically Malthusian, but pre-Malthusian attitudes still dominate, especially at the pinnacles of our most successful societies. This shouldnât be shocking, because the very traits (especially, low empathy and greed) that would be required to succeed in a zero-sum world are still strong in our upper classes. This legacy wonât go away overnight. The people havenât changed very much. Pre-Malthusian fearmongering is also very effective on less intelligent people, who havenât figured out that the world has changed in the past two hundred years. They still believe in the zero-sum world wherein, if âilligalâ immigrants âtake all the jobsâ, middle-class white people will starve.
The trans-Malthusian state is, I believe, intrinsically more volatile than a pre-Malthusian one. Technology is causing the job market to change faster, but this paradoxically makes individual spells of unemployment longer. Another thing is that weâre seeing something that pre-Malthusian economies didnât have to worry about: economic depressions. This is not to romanticize pre-Malthusian life or societies. They would experience famines, wars, and disease epidemics that would kill far more people than any economic depression, but those had natural or historical causes that were not intrinsic and desirable. Weâve been able to eliminate most of these evils from life without losing anything in the process. These depressions, in my view, come from economic progress itself (and moreover, our inability to manage growth in a way that distributes prosperity, rather than displacing people). The first quarter of the 20th century saw unprecedented advancement in food productionâ a good thing, undeniablyâ which caused agricultural commodities to drop in price. This caused small farmers (who could not partake in these advances to the same extent) to fall into poverty. Without the small farmers, towns supported by them werenât doing well either. Poverty isnât a âmoral medicineâ that clears out the bad in society. It doesnât make people better or harder working. It ruins people. Itâs a cancer. It spreads. And it did. Rural poverty was severe in the United States by 1925, before the Depression officially began. Urban sophisticates and elites were OK in 1925, hence this era is remembered as being prosperous. In 1933? Not so much. The cancer had grown. Throughout the 1930s, the rich were terrified of an American communist revolution.
We donât want another Great Depression, and whatâs scary in 2012 is that it seems like what happened to agricultural products in the 1920s is now happening to almost all human labor. Weâre outsourcing, automating, and âstreamliningâ, and all of these changes are fundamentally good, but if we donât take steps to prevent the collapse of the middle class, we could lose our country. This will almost certainly require innovations that the right wing will decry as âsocialismâ, but it will also involve techniques (such as crowd-funding and microloans for small businesses) that are far more capitalistic than anything the corporates have come up with.
We are trans- (not post-) Malthusian because we live in a world where scarcity is still in force (although often artificial) and zero-sum mentalities dominate (even though theyâre inappropriate to a technological world). If Mexican immigrants âtake the jobsâ, formerly middle-class white people will be without healthcare. Whatâs required is to step away from the zero-sum attitude (expressed often in racism) and recognize that no one of any ethnicity, jobless or employed, should be without healthcare. Ever. Technology is great at helping us generate more resources and make more with what we have, and we have to accept that it will âunemployâ people on a regular basis, but the bounty should be distributed fairly, and not hogged by the fortunate while those it renders transiently jobless are allowed to fall into poverty. âCollateral damageâ is not acceptable and, if the 1920s and â30s are illustrative, it canât be contained. The damage will spread.
What does this have to do with the ladders and their conflict? Labor is a trans-Malthusian social category because it lives in a world that values fair play (a positive-sum, post-Malthusian value) but that is constrained by artificial scarcity. The Elite is pre-Malthusian; they are obsessed with the zero-sum game of social status and the need to keep themselves elevated and others out. The Gentry, although not without its faults, is properly post-Malthusian. Their values (political liberalism, individual freedom, enough socialism to ensure a just society, positive-sum outlook, and a positive view of technology) represent what it will take to evolve toward a post-Malthusian state.
September 9, 2012 by michaelochurch
The 3-ladder system of social class in the U.S.
Typical depictions of social class in the United States posit a linear, ordered hierarchy. Iâve actually come to the conclusion that there are 3 distinct ladders, with approximately four social classes on each. Additionally, there is an underclass of people not connected to any of the ladders, creating an unlucky 13th social class. Iâll attempt to explain how this three-ladder system works, what it means, and also why it is a source of conflict. The ladders I will assign the names Labor, Gentry, and Elite. My specific percentage estimates of each category are not derived from anything other than estimation based on what Iâve seen, and my limited understanding of the macroeconomics of income in the United States, so donât take them for more than an approximation. Iâll assess the social role of each of these classes in order, from bottom to top.
This is, one should note, an exposition of social class rather than income. Therefore, in many cases, precise income criteria cannot be defined, because thereâs so much more involved. Class is more sociological in nature than wealth or income, and much harder to change. People can improve their incomes dramatically, but itâs rare for a person to move more than one or two rungs in a lifetime. Social class determines how a person is perceived, that personâs access to information, and what opportunities will be available to a person.
Underclass (10%). The underclass are not just poor, because there are poor people on the Labor ladder and a few (usually transiently or voluntarily) on the Gentry ladder who are poor. In fact, most poor Americans are not members of the Underclass. People in the Underclass are generationally poor. Some have never held jobs. Some are third-generation jobless, even. Each of these ladders (Labor, Gentry, Elite) can be seen as an infrastructure based, in part, on social connections. There are some people who are not connected to any of these infrastructures, and they are the underclass.
The Labor Ladder (65%). This represents âblue-collarâ work and is often associated with âworking classâ, but some people in this distinction earn solidly âmiddle-classâ incomes over $100,000 per year. What defines the Labor ladder is that the work is seen as a commodity, and that thereâs rarely a focus on long-term career management. People are assessed based on how hard they work because, in this world, the way to become richer is to work more (not necessarily more efficiently or âsmarterâ). The Labor ladder is organized almost completely based on income; the more you make (age-adjusted) the higher your position is, and the more likely it is that your work is respected.
Secondary Labor (L4, 30%) is what we call the âworking poorâ. These are people who earn 1 to 3 times the minimum wage and often have no health benefits. Many work two âpart timeâ jobs at 35 hours per week (so their firms donât have to provide benefits) with irregular hours. They have few skills and no leverage, so they tend to end up in the worst jobs, and those jobs enervate them so much that it becomes impossible for them to get the skills that would help them advance. The reason for the name Secondary in this class is that they are trapped in the âsecondaryâ labor market: jobs originally intended for teenagers and well-off retirees that were never intended to pay a living wage. Wages for this category are usually quoted hourly and between $5 and $15 per hour.
Primary Labor (L3, 20%) is what we tend to associate with âblue-collarâ America. If by âaverageâ we mean median, this is the average social class of Americans, although most people would call it working class, not middle. It usually means having enough money to afford an occasional vacation and a couple restaurant meals per month. People in the L3 class arenât worried about having food to eat, but they arenât very comfortable either, and an ill-timed layoff can be catastrophic. If the market for their skills collapses, they can end up falling down a rung into L4. When youâre in the Labor category, market forces can propel you up or down, and the market value of âcommodityâ labor has been going down for a long time. Typical L3 compensation is $20,000 to $60,000 per year.
In the supposed âgolden ageâ of the United States (the 1950s) a lot of people were earning L2 compensation for L3 work. In a time when well-paid but monotonous labor was not considered such a bad thing (to people coming off the Great Depression and World War II, stable but boring jobs were a godsend) this was seen as desirable, but we canât go back to that, and most people wouldnât want to. Most Millennials would be bored shitless by the jobs available in that era that our society occasionally mourns losing.
High-skill Labor (L2, 14%)Â entails having enough income and job security to be legitimately âmiddle classâ. People in this range can attend college courses, travel internationally (but not very often) and send their children to good schools. Plumbers, airline pilots, and electricians are in this category, and some of these people make over $100,000 per year. For them, there must be some barrier to entry into their line of work, or some force keeping pay high (such as unionization). Within the culture of the Labor ladder, these people are regarded highly.
Labor Leadership (L1, 1%) is the top of the Labor ladder, and itâs what blue-collar America tends to associate with success. (The reason they fail to hate âthe 1%â is that they think of L1 small business owners, rather than blue-blooded parasites, as ârich peopleâ.) These are people who, often through years of very hard work and by displaying leadership capability, have ascended to an upper-middle-class income. They arenât usually âmanagersâ (store managers are L2) but small business owners and landlords, while theyâre often seen doing the grunt work of their businesses (such as by running the register when all the cashiers call in sick). They can generate passive income from endeavors like restaurant franchises and earn a solidly upper-middle income standing, but culturally they are still part of Labor. This suits them well, because where they excel is at leading people who are in the Labor category.
The Gentry Ladder (23.5%). England had a landed gentry for a while. We have an educated one. Labor defines status based on the market value of oneâs commodity work. The Gentry rebels against commoditization with a focus on qualities that might be, from an extensional perspective, irrelevant. They dislike conflict diamonds, like fair-trade coffee, and drive cultural trends. In the 1950s, they were all about suburbia. In 2012, they had the same enthusiasm for returning to the cities. They value themselves not based on their incomes but, much more so, on access to respected institutions: elite universities, leading technology companies, museums and artistic endeavors. Labor aspires to occupational success and organizational leadership, while the Gentry aspires to education and cultural leadership.
Before going further, itâs worth noting that the typical socioeconomic ordering would have each Gentry level two levels above the corresponding Labor level in social standing. Thus, G1 > G2 > (G3 ~= L1) > (G4 ~= L2) > L3 > L4.
Transitional Gentry (G4, 5%)Â is the lowest rung of the Gentry ladder. Typically, I think of community colleges when trying to explain G4. Itâs the class of people who are coming into the Gentry, usually from L2, and most people in it are looking to attain G3 (and many do). Since the Gentry is defined by education, culture, and cultural influence, earning a four-year degree (which about 20% of American adults have) will usually put a person solidly into G3.
Mobility between G4 and L2 is common, and G4 is a âyoung peopleâ class, because people who donât keep abreast of politics, current events, and at least the âupper-middle-browâ culture of shows like Mad Men [0] tend to return to L2 (which is not an inferior class, but an approximately-equal one with different values). Those who keep up tend to progress to G3.
[0] A couple of people have emailed me to ask why I âknockedâ Mad Men. That wasnât my intention. Itâs an excellent show. âUpper-middle-browâ is not panning. Iâm lower-middle-brow on a good day.
Primary Gentry (G3, 16%)Â is what Americans think of as the cultural âupper-middle classâ. They have four-year college degrees and typically have professional jobs of middling autonomy and above-average income, but usually not leadership positions. Incomes in this class vary widely (in part, because the Gentry is not defined by income) but generally fall between $30,000 and $200,000 per year. People in this class tend to be viewed as taste-setters by Labor but are viewed as gauche by the higher-ranking G1 and G2 classes.
High Gentry (G2, 2.45%) tend to come from elite colleges and traditionally gravitated toward âjunior executiveâ roles in medium-sized companies, innovative startups, management consultancies, and possibly investment banking (which facilitates the G2-E4 transition). But G2âs wouldnât be caught dead in jobs that seem perfectly fine to G3âs, which they view (often rightly) to be dead ends. Having interesting, respected work is important to G2âs. To a G2, being a college professor, scientist, entrepreneur, or writer are desirable jobs. Creative control of work is important to G2âs, although not all are able to get it (because creative jobs are so rare). David Brooksâs Bobos in Paradise captured well the culture of G2âs in that time. Members of this social class aggressively manage their careers to get the most out (in terms of intellectual and financial reward) of their careers, but what they really want is enough success and money to do what they really value, which is to influence culture.
G2 is my native social class, and probably that of most of my readers.
Cultural Influencers (G1, 0.05%) are the pinnacle of the Gentry. Jon Stewart is a classic example. He probably makes a âmerelyâ upper-middle-class income working for the notoriously cheap Comedy Central, but he has the most well-regarded members of the intelligentsia on his show every night. For G1, Iâm not talking about âcelebritiesâ. Celebrities are a bizarre and tiny category that mixes all three ladders (Iâd argue that theyâre the upper tier of L1; most lack the power of Elites and the refinement of the Gentry). Rather, Iâm talking about people who are widely recognized as smart, knowledgeable, creative, and above all, interesting. They tend also to have access to other interesting people. G1âs are not âfamousâ in the celebrity sense, and most of them arenât that rich. Iâd guess that their incomes vary mostly from $100,000 to $1 million per year, which is low for a social class that is so difficult to enter (much harder than E4, and possibly E3, to get into).
Itâs quite likely that G1 is expanding, and it was probably much smaller in the past. The internet is allowing more people to become well-known and have some degree of cultural influence. Many bloggers have entered G1 without relying on established institutions such as publishers or universities (which used to be the only way). That said, G1 requires reliability in attention; people having their 15 minutes donât count.
The Elite Ladder (1.5%). This is an infrastructure âat the top of societyâ, but many of the people it includes are in many ways nowhere near the top. People complain about âthe 1 percentâ, but the reality is that most of that top 1.0% are nowhere near controlling positions within society.
Not all of the Elite are in the top 1% for income, but most will have the opportunity to be. The Elite includes everyone from billionaires to out-of-college investment banking analysts (who earn a middle-class income in one of the most expensive cities on the planet). What they have in common is that they are exerting themselves toward ownership. Labor provides the work and values effort and loyalty. The Gentry provides culture and it values education and creativity. The Elite owns things and values control and establishment.
As with the Gentry and Labor, when comparing these ladders, one should consider an Elite rung to be two levels above the corresponding Gentry rung, so in terms of social standing, E1 > E2 > (E3 ~= G1) > (E4 ~= G2) > G3 > G4.
The Strivers (E4, 0.5%)Â are another transitional class that is generally for young people only. They arenât actually Elite, but they might, if lucky, move into E3. Junior investment bankers, law firm associates, and young startup entrepreneurs are in this category. Theyâre trying to âbreak inâ to something rich and successful. If they get in, theyâll become solid E3. If they fail in doing so, they usually return to G2: upper-middle-class professionals not strongly bound to the Elite infrastructure. G2 is usually a happier place than E4, but E3âs and E4âs tend to deride this transition. In startups, a business move favoring this step (toward G1-2 upper-middle-class stability) is derided as a âlifestyle businessâ.
Elite Servants (E3, 0.8%)Â are the law-firm partners and senior investment bankers and corporate executives that might be called the âworking richâ and they comprise what was once called the âwhite-shoeâ culture. Theyâre quite well-off, as far as servants go, often earning incomes from $200,000 to $5 million per year, but their social standing is conditional. They serve the rich, and the rich have to keep finding them useful for them to maintain their place. Itâs not an enviable place to be, because the social expectations associated with maintaining E3 status require high spending, and even the extremely well-compensated ($1 million per year and up) E3âs rarely have the savings to survive more than a year or two without a job, because of the need to maintain connections. E3âs tend to have as many money problems as people in the lower social classes. E3âs also suffer because they live in a âsmall worldâ society driven by reputation, long-standing grudges and often petty contempt. E3âs still get firedâ a lot, because the pretense that justifies E3-level status (of a large-company âexecutiveâ) requires leadership and many donât have itâ and when it happens to them, they can face years during which they canât find appropriate employment.
People tend to think of face leaders (politicians and CEOs) as belonging to a higher social class, but most are E3. If they were higher, they wouldnât have to work so hard to be rich. Examining our most recent presidents, Barack Obama is G1, the George Bushes were E2, Bill Clinton was E3, and Reagan was in the celebrity category that is a hybrid of E3 and L1. John Kennedy was E2, while Lyndon Johnson was L1. Most CEOs, however, are strictly E3, because CEOs are ârubber glovesâ that are used for dirty work and thrown aside if they get too filthy. Thereâs too much reputation risk involved in being a corporate CEO for an E2 to want the job under most circumstances.
National Elite (E2, 0.19%)Â are what most Americans think of as âupper classâ or âold moneyâ. They have Roman Numerals in their names, live in the Hamptons (although theyâve probably stopped using âsummerâ as a verb now that âthe poorsâ know about it) and their families have attended Ivy League colleges for generations. Theyâre socially very well connected and have the choice not to work, or the choice to work in a wide array of well-compensated and highly-regarded jobs. Rarely do they work full time under traditional employment termsâ never as subordinates, sometimes as executives in an apprentice role, often in board positions or âadvisoryâ roles. Itâs uncommon that an E2 will put a full-time effort into anything, because their objective with work is to associate their names with successful institutions, but not to get too involved.
To maintain E2 status, being wealthy is required. It takes about $500,000 per year, after tax, in income at a minimum. However, itâs not hard for a person with E2 status and connections to acquire this, even if the family money is lost. The jobs that E3âs regard as the pinnacle of professional achievement (the idea that such a notion as âprofessional achievementâ exists is laughable to them; paid full-time work is dishonorable from an E2 perspective) are their safety careers.
Global Elite (E1, ~60,000 people worldwide, about 30% of those in the U.S.) are a global social class, and extremely powerful in a trans-national way. These are the very rich, powerful, and deeply uncultured barbarians from all over the world who start wars in the Middle East for sport, make asses of themselves in American casinos, rape ski bunnies at Davos, and run the world. Like the Persian army in 300, they come from all over the place; theyâre the ugliest and most broken of each nation. Theyâre the corporate billionaires and drug kingpins and third-world despots and real estate magnates. Theyâre not into the genteel, reserved âWASP cultureâ of E2âs, the corporate earnestness and âwhite shoeâ professionalism of E3âs, or the hypertrophic intellectualism and creativity of G1âs and G2âs. They are all about control, and on a global scale. To channel Heisenberg, theyâre in the empire business. They arenât mere management or even âexecutivesâ. Theyâre owners. They donât care what they own, or what direction the world takes, as long as theyâre on top. They almost never take official executive positions within large companies, but they make a lot of the decisions behind the scenes.
Unlike the National Elite, who tend toward a cultural conservatism and a desire to preserve certain traits that they consider necessary to national integrity, the Global Elite doesnât give a shit about any particular country. Theyâre fully multinational and view all the worldâs political nations as entities to be exploited (like everything else). They foster corruption and crime if it serves their interests, and those interests are often ugly. Like Kefka from Final Fantasy VI, their reason for living is to create monuments to nonexistence.
For the other social classes, thereâs no uniform moral assumption that can apply. G1âs are likable and often deserving cultural leaders, but sometimes foolish, overrated, incompetent, infuriatingly petty, and too prone to groupthink to deserve their disproportionate clout. G2âs tend to have the best (or at least most robust) taste, because they donât fall into G1 self-referentiality, but can be just as snooty and cliquish. As âpro-Gentryâ as I may seem, itâs a massive simplification to treat that set as entirely virtuous. Likewise, the lower elite ranks (E2, E3, E4) also have their mix of good and bad people. There are E2âs who want to live well and decently, E3âs trying to provide for their families, and E4âs trying to get in because they were brought up to climb the ladder. On the other hand, E1 is pretty much objectively evil, without exceptions. There are decent people who are billionaires, so thereâs no income or wealth level at which 100% objective evil becomes the norm. But if you climb the social ladder, you get to a level at which itâs all cancer, all the way up. Thatâs E1. Why is it this way? Because the top end of the worldâs elite is a social elite, not an economic one, and you donât get deep into an elevated social elite unless you are very simliar to the center of that cluster, and for the past 10,000 years the center of humanityâs top-of-the-top cluster has always been deep, featureless evil: people who burn peasantsâ faces off because it amuses them. Whether youâre talking about a real person like Hitler, Stalin, Erik Prince, Osama bin Laden, or Kissinger, or a fictional example like The Joker, Kefka, Walter White, or Randall Flagg; when you get to the top of society, itâs always the same guy. Call it The Devil, but whatâs scary is that it needs (and has) no supernatural powers; itâs human, and while one its representatives might get knocked off, another one will step up.
Ladder conflict. What does all this mean? How do these ladders interrelate? Do these three separate social class structures often find themselves at odds and fight? Can people be part of more than one?
What Iâve called the Labor, Gentry, and Elite âladdersâ can more easily be described as âinfrastructuresâ. For Labor, this infrastructure is largely physical and the relevant connection is knowing how to use that physical device or space, and getting people to trust a person to competently use (without owning, because thatâs out of the question for most) these resources. For the Gentry, itâs an âinvisible graphâ of knowledge and education and âinterestingnessâ, comprised largely of ideas. For the Elite, itâs a tight, exclusive network centered on social connections, power, and dominance. People can be connected to more than one of these infrastructures, but people usually bind more tightly to the one of higher status, except when at the transitional ranks (G4 and E4) which tend to punt people who donât ascend after some time. The overwhelmingly high likelihood is that a person is aligned most strongly to one and only one of these structures. The values are too conflicting for a person not to pick one horse or the other.
Iâve argued that the ladders connect at a two-rung difference, with L2 ~ G4, L1 ~ G3, G2 ~ E4, and G1 ~ E3. These are âsocial equivalenciesâ that donât involve a change in social status, so theyâre the easiest to transitions to make (in both directions). They represent a transfer from one form of capital to another. A skilled laborer (L2) who begins taking night courses (G4) is using time to get an education rather than more money. Likewise, one who moves from the high gentry (G2) to a 90-hour-per-week job in private wealth management (E4) is applying her refined intellectual skills and knowledge to serving the rich, in the hope of making the connections to become one of them.
That said, these ladders often come into conflict. The most relevant one to most of my readers will be the conflict between the Gentry and the Elite. The Gentry tends to be left-libertarian and values creativity, individual autonomy, and free expression. The Elite tends toward center-right authoritarianism and corporate conformity, and it views creativity as dangerous (except when applied to hiding financial risks or justifying illegal wars). The Gentry believes that it is the deserving elite and the face of the future, and that it can use culture to engineer a future in which its values are elite; while the upper tier of the Elite finds the Gentry pretentious, repugnant, self-indulgent, and subversive. The relationship between the Gentry and Elite is incredibly contentious. Itâs a cosmic, ubiquitous war between the past and the future.
Between the Gentry and Labor, there is an attitude of distrust. The Elite has been running a divide-and-conquer strategy between these two categories for decades. This works because the Elite understands (and can ape) the culture of the Gentry, but has something in common with Labor that sets the categories apart from the Gentry: a conception of work as a theater for masculine dominance. This is something that the Elite and Labor both believe inâ the visceral strength and importance of the alpha-male in high-stakes gambling settings such as most modern workâ but that the Gentry would rather deny. Gender is a major part of the Eliteâs strategy in turning Labor against the Gentry: make the Gentry look effeminate. Thatâs why âfeministâ is practically a racial slur, despite the world desperately needing attention to womenâs political equality, health and well-being (that is, feminism).
The Elite also uses the Underclass in a different process: the Elite wants Labor think the Gentry intends to conspire with the Underclass to dismantle Labor values and elevate these âobviously undeservingâ people to, at least, the status of Labor if not promoted above them. They exploit fear in Labor. One might invoke racism and the âSouthern strategyâ in politics as an example of this, but the racial part is incidental. The Elite donât care whether itâs blacks or Latinos or âilligalsâ or red-haired people or homosexuals (most of whom are not part of the Underclass) that are being used to frighten Labor into opposing and disliking the Gentry; they just know that the device works and that it has pretty much always worked.
The relationship between the Gentry and Elite is one of open rivalry, and that between the Gentry and Labor is one of distrust. What about Labor and the Elite? That one is not symmetric. The Elite exploit and despise Labor as a class comprised mostly of âuseful idiotsâ. How does Labor see the Elite? They donât. The Elite has managed to convince Labor that the Gentry (who are open about their cultural elitism, while the Elite hides its social and economic elitism) is the actual âliberal eliteâ responsible for Laborâs misery over the past 30 years. In effect, the Elite has constructed an âinfinity poolâ where the Elite appears to be a hyper-successful extension of Labor, lumping these two disparate ladders into an âusâ and placing the Gentry and Underclass into âthemâ.
Analysis of current conflict.
Despite its upper ranks being filled by people who are effectively thugs, the Elite isnât entirely evil. By population, most of them are merely E3 and E4 stewards with minimal decision-making power, and a lot of those come from (and return to) the Gentry and maintain those values. On the other hand, Elite values tend to be undesirable, because at that structureâs pinnacle are the E1 crime bosses. There are good people within the Elite, even though the Elite itself is not good.
For virtue, the Gentry does better. I donât want to fall into the American fallacy of conflating âmiddle classâ with virtue, and there are some awful and good people in all social classes, but I think that the Gentry is a more inclusive and reflective eliteâ one of ideas and values, not based on exclusivity.
One Gentry stronghold for a long time has been high technology, a meritocracy where skill, know-how, and drive enabled a person to rise to technical leadership of increasing scope and eventually business leadership and entrepreneurship. This created the engineering culture of Hewlett-Packard (before Fiorina) and the âDonât Be Evilâ mantra of Google. This is Gentry culture asserting itself. Be ethical, seek positive-sum outcomes, and win by being great rather than by harming, robbing, or intimidating others. Itâs not how business is practiced in most of the worldâ zero-sum thuggery is a lot more commonâ but itâs how great businesses are made. This weird world in which self-made success was regarded higher than entrenchment, symbolized in Silicon Valley, enabled people from the Gentry to become very rich and Gentry ideas to establish lasting success in business.
What has made America great, especially from 1933 until now, has been the self-assertion of the Gentry following the defeat of the Elite. The first half of the American Era (1933 to 1973) utterly emasculated the Elite. Their rapacious greed and world-fucking parasitism was repaid with 90-percent tax rates, and they told to consider themselves lucky that it wasnât full-on socialism (or a violent revolution in which they all died, Paris-1793-style). The so-called âWASP cultureâ of the E2 class derives many of its norms from the paranoia of that period (when the global elite was very small, and they were the ârobber baronâ elite). For example, the demand that a house not be visible from the road comes from a time in which that was physically dangerous. This four-decade curtailment of the American Elite, and the more resounding destruction of the European ones, was one of the best things that ever happened to the world. It made the golden age of Silicon Valley possible.
There are a lot of reasons why this âgolden ageâ of a disempowered Elite was able to occur, but World War II was the biggest of all of them. Future historians will probably regard the two World Wars as one monstrous conflict, with a period of crippling, worldwide economic depression between them. Few disagree with the claim, for example, that the resolution of the First World War led inexorably to the evils of totalitarianism and the Second of these wars. This giant and largely senseless conflictâs causes seem complexâ historians are still debating World War Iâs inceptionâ but the short version is that the worldâs Elites did that. There was a 30-year period of war, famine, poverty, racial pogroms, and misery that existed largely because a network of high-level obligations and horrendous ideas (especially the racism used to justify colonialism, which benefitted the rich of these societies enormously, but sent the poor to die in unjust wars, contract awful diseases for which they had no immunity, and commit atrocities) set the conditions up. After about a hundred million deaths and thirty tears of war, societies finally decided, âNo Moreâ. They dismantled their Elites vigorously, North American and European nations included. This became the âgolden ageâ of the educated Gentry. In the U.S. (for which the 1950s were a decade of prosperity; in Europe, it was a period of rebuilding and not very prosperous) it was also the âgolden age of the middle classâ.
However, the Elite has brought itself back to life. This Gilded Age isnât as bad as the last one, but itâs heading that way. It started in the late 1970s when the U.S. fell in love again with elitism: Studio 54, cocaineâ a drug that captures the personality of that cultural change well, because its effect is to flood the brain with dopamine, causing extreme arroganceâ and âtrickle-down economicsâ.
Assessing the present state of conflict requires attention to what each party wants. What does the Gentry want? The Gentry has a strange, love-hate relationship with capitalism. Corporations are detested (even more than they deserve) by this class and most people in the Gentry want the U.S. to look more like Europe: universal healthcare, decent vacation allotments, and cheap, ecologically sound high-speed trains. This might give the impression of a socialist bent, and that impressionâs not wrong. Yet their favorite places are New York (the center of capitalism) and Silicon Valley (also fiercely capitalistic). Although left-leaning, the Gentry are strong champions for non-corporate capitalism. There is no contradiction here. European social democracies have also managed to create hybrid systems that combine the safety and infrastructure of socialism with the innovation and individual liberty of capitalism: the best of both worlds.
For a contrast, what the Elite has been pushing for is the worst of both worlds, at least for average people. The truth of corporate âcapitalismâ is that it provides the best of both systems (socialism and capitalism) for the Elite and the worst of both for everyone else. Itâs a welfare state in which only very well-connected people are citizens, it favors command economies (which are what most corporations are, internally) and it stifles the positive-sum innovation that is capitalismâs saving grace. The upper tier of society wants social stability for themselves (to stay in and keep others out) but they favor extreme economic variability (also known as âinequalityâ) because it gives them more opportunities to exploit their social status for economic gain (read: private-sector corruption).
Air travel in the contemporary U.S. is an illustrative example of this âworst of both worldsâ scenario: the pricing is erratic, unreasonable, and even a bit mean-spirited, which shows the volatility of capitalism, while the low quality of service and the abysmal morale of the industry feel like direct transplants from the Soviet Union.
The future.
A major battle is coming, with all three of these categories (Labor, Gentry, and Elite) involved. The Gentry and the Elite are at fundamental opposites on the type of society they want to see and, for decades, the Elite has been winning, but their victories are becoming harder to win as technology opens up the world. Labor might seem like a nonparticipant in the ideological battles, but they comprise most of the casualties, and theyâve seen shells land in their backyard (especially if they live in Detroit). Not only are they losing their jobs and social status, but their communities have been demolished.
Something else is happening, which is relevant both in a macrohistorical sense and to the U.S. in 2012. One way to divide human history is into three eras: pre-Malthusian, trans-Malthusian, and post-Malthusian. I refer, of course, to the prediction of Thomas Malthus, early in the Industrial Revolution, that population growth in contemporary societies would lead to a catastrophe because population grew exponentially, while economic growth was linear. He was wrong. Economic growth has always been exponential, but for most of human history it has had a very slow (under 1% per year) exponential curveâ slower than population growth, and slow enough to look linear. His mathematical model was wrong, but his conclusionâ that population grows until it is checked (i.e. people die) by disease, famine, and warâ was true in nature and of almost every human society from the dawn of time to about 1800. He was wrong that it would afflict England and the richer European countries in the mid-19th centuryâ because the Industrial Revolution accelerated economic growth enough to prevent a global Malthusian crunch. On the other hand, there were local Malthusian catastrophes. Ireland endured severe poverty and oppression, colonialism was deeply horrible and did, in fact, represent many of the vices Malthus warned about.
The world was pre-Malthusian when societies were doomed to grow faster in population than in their ability to support it. This led, over the millennia, to certain assumptions about society that can be categorized as âzero-sumâ. For one tribe to take care of its young, another tribe must lose wealth or be destroyed. For English to be rich, Irish must starve. For Southern whites to live well, blacks must be slaves. For capital to be profitable, labor must be exploited. If Catholic Spain has one colony, Protestant England must have more. For the German people to have âlebensraumâ, Central European countries must be invaded and their inhabitants killed. âMedievalâ horrors were an artifact of the Malthusian reality of that time, but such atrocities continued even as the long-standing Malthusian inequality (population growth being greater than economic growth) reversed itself.
We are now in a trans-Malthusian state, and have been for about two hundred years. Global economic growth is now over 4% per year, which is the fastest it has ever been, and thereâs no sign of it slowing down. The world has a lot of problems, and there are pockets of severe decay, corruption, and poverty; but on the whole, itâs becoming a better place, and at an accelerating (hyper-exponential) rate. The world is no longer intrinsically Malthusian, but pre-Malthusian attitudes still dominate, especially at the pinnacles of our most successful societies. This shouldnât be shocking, because the very traits (especially, low empathy and greed) that would be required to succeed in a zero-sum world are still strong in our upper classes. This legacy wonât go away overnight. The people havenât changed very much. Pre-Malthusian fearmongering is also very effective on less intelligent people, who havenât figured out that the world has changed in the past two hundred years. They still believe in the zero-sum world wherein, if âilligalâ immigrants âtake all the jobsâ, middle-class white people will starve.
The trans-Malthusian state is, I believe, intrinsically more volatile than a pre-Malthusian one. Technology is causing the job market to change faster, but this paradoxically makes individual spells of unemployment longer. Another thing is that weâre seeing something that pre-Malthusian economies didnât have to worry about: economic depressions. This is not to romanticize pre-Malthusian life or societies. They would experience famines, wars, and disease epidemics that would kill far more people than any economic depression, but those had natural or historical causes that were not intrinsic and desirable. Weâve been able to eliminate most of these evils from life without losing anything in the process. These depressions, in my view, come from economic progress itself (and moreover, our inability to manage growth in a way that distributes prosperity, rather than displacing people). The first quarter of the 20th century saw unprecedented advancement in food productionâ a good thing, undeniablyâ which caused agricultural commodities to drop in price. This caused small farmers (who could not partake in these advances to the same extent) to fall into poverty. Without the small farmers, towns supported by them werenât doing well either. Poverty isnât a âmoral medicineâ that clears out the bad in society. It doesnât make people better or harder working. It ruins people. Itâs a cancer. It spreads. And it did. Rural poverty was severe in the United States by 1925, before the Depression officially began. Urban sophisticates and elites were OK in 1925, hence this era is remembered as being prosperous. In 1933? Not so much. The cancer had grown. Throughout the 1930s, the rich were terrified of an American communist revolution.
We donât want another Great Depression, and whatâs scary in 2012 is that it seems like what happened to agricultural products in the 1920s is now happening to almost all human labor. Weâre outsourcing, automating, and âstreamliningâ, and all of these changes are fundamentally good, but if we donât take steps to prevent the collapse of the middle class, we could lose our country. This will almost certainly require innovations that the right wing will decry as âsocialismâ, but it will also involve techniques (such as crowd-funding and microloans for small businesses) that are far more capitalistic than anything the corporates have come up with.
We are trans- (not post-) Malthusian because we live in a world where scarcity is still in force (although often artificial) and zero-sum mentalities dominate (even though theyâre inappropriate to a technological world). If Mexican immigrants âtake the jobsâ, formerly middle-class white people will be without healthcare. Whatâs required is to step away from the zero-sum attitude (expressed often in racism) and recognize that no one of any ethnicity, jobless or employed, should be without healthcare. Ever. Technology is great at helping us generate more resources and make more with what we have, and we have to accept that it will âunemployâ people on a regular basis, but the bounty should be distributed fairly, and not hogged by the fortunate while those it renders transiently jobless are allowed to fall into poverty. âCollateral damageâ is not acceptable and, if the 1920s and â30s are illustrative, it canât be contained. The damage will spread.
What does this have to do with the ladders and their conflict? Labor is a trans-Malthusian social category because it lives in a world that values fair play (a positive-sum, post-Malthusian value) but that is constrained by artificial scarcity. The Elite is pre-Malthusian; they are obsessed with the zero-sum game of social status and the need to keep themselves elevated and others out. The Gentry, although not without its faults, is properly post-Malthusian. Their values (political liberalism, individual freedom, enough socialism to ensure a just society, positive-sum outlook, and a positive view of technology) represent what it will take to evolve toward a post-Malthusian state. [September 9, 2012 by michaelochurch]
I'll chime in on this as I have some experience. Worked as a bike patrol guy in college for a few years back in Vermont. Wasn't a real cop by any standard and mostly just tried to pick up girls, but I did get some of the training and was in constant contact with the cops. Cops are very rarely racist, but they are trained to profile. They are taught at the academy to pull teenagers, minorities, and generally crazy looking people over for any reason they can. This isn't bullshit, this isn't just practice or culture, they are blatantly taught to do this. They are taught to do this because it works. Vermont is one of, if not the whitest state in the country, and our prisons and jails are full of non-whites and teenagers. Wherever there was a drug call, niggers were skulking around nearby. Whenever there was a disorderly conduct call, it was teenagers. It may sound kind of contrived, but minorities (black mostly) and teenagers were the vast majority of every damn call. What's more, white people aren't as fucking psycho as the non-whites. If I had to tell some 16 year old white kid he needed to keep the noise down, he would sulk and bitch to look cool in front of his friends, but the noise went down. If I had to tell a black person fucking anything he would reach in his pants for god knows what, and start running. Blacks get shot because they act openly hostile and guilty all the fucking time. Women are fucking crazy too, probably worse than blacks, but we didn't get many calls about them. As for the force they use for everything from taking down a lunatic with a rifle in a school, to getting old women out of their car, that nonsense is somewhat recent. As I recall, it was largely in the 70's and 80's when cops started making an active change from protecting people, to exercising force to uphold the law. Older cops who have been on the force for decades are way more chill because they were taught to disarm the situation rather than fire if given an opportunity. I don't know enough to say why this change happened, but at some point it was decided that the cops were more important than the people they are supposed protect. Just trying to maybe shed a little light on the discussion. [Anonymous 10/11/14 (Sat) 01:49:48]