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PUT YOUR BEARD IN MY MOUTH
Lint Roller? I Barely Know Her
Not today Justin
Jules of Nature
will byers stan first human second
Three Goblin Art

titsay
Peter Solarz
hello vonnie
Aqua Utopiaļ½ęµ·ć®åŗć§čØę¶ćē“”ć
One Nice Bug Per Day
i don't do bad sauce passes
todays bird
Claire Keane
TVSTRANGERTHINGS
2025 on Tumblr: Trends That Defined the Year
DEAR READER
KIROKAZE
Cosimo Galluzzi
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Just got back from Seoul, saw AOA do āGood Luckā live while I was there! https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sno_genwMz8Ā Been a fan since Miniskirt
Homeworld Gems becoming closer to the Earth
Clientsā names and personal information have been omitted to retain their privacy.
Rungrado 1st of May Stadium, 1989 (renovated 2014) [Photos: Oliver Wainwright]

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Japan by car
Why is it that people are willing to spend $20 on a bowl of pasta with sauce that they might actually be able to replicate pretty faithfully at home, yet they balk at the notion of a white-table cloth Thai restaurant, or a tacos that cost more than $3 each? Even in a city as ācosmopolitanā as New York, restaurant openings like Tamarind Tribeca (Indian) and Lotus of Siam (Thai) always seem to elicit this knee-jerk reaction from some diners who have decided that certain countries produce food that belongs in the ācheap eatsā categoryāand itās not allowed out. (Side note: How often do magazine lists of ācheap eatsā double as rundowns of outer-borough ethnic foods?) Yelp, Chowhound, and other restaurant sites are littered with comments like, ā$5 for dumplings?? Iāll go to Flushing, thanks!ā or āWhen I was backpacking in India this dish cost like five cents, only an idiot would pay that much!ā Yet you never see complaints about the prices at Western restaurants framed in these terms, because itās ingrained in peopleās heads that these foods are somehow āworthā more. If weāre talking foie gras or chateaubriand, fair enough. But be real: You know damn well that rigatoni sorrentino is no more expensive to produce than a plate of duck laab, so to decry a pricey version as a ripoff is disingenuous. This question of perceived value is becoming increasingly troublesome as more non-native (read: white) chefs take on āethnicā cuisines, and suddenly itās okay to charge $14 for shu mai because hey, the chef is ELEVATING the cuisine.
One of the entries from the list ā20 Things Everyone Thinks About the Food World (But Nobody Will Say)ā
To many liberals, injustice is a product of misunderstanding, the result of faceless processes that no one really benefits from.
The hundreds of murals that decorate the walls of cultural centers and student resource buildings across the country attest to this narrative of victims without victimizers. We see images of people holding flags and coming together. But who they are organizing against is rarely depicted. Where are the riot cops, the angry business owners, the hedge fund managers, the anti-choice and anti-gay protesters, the Young Americans for Freedom in these montages?
In this picture book version of social justice struggle, no one ever opposes freedomās forward march. All the oppressed need to do is rise up and assert themselves; the world they are fighting for is realized simply by the act of self-declaration.
This blind spot is strictly enforced. Activists who try to put the oppressors back in the picture are either dismissed as illegitimate, and if they still refuse to go away, are dealt with by the police and by the courts.
It makes it exceedingly difficult to hold anyone responsible for their actions. The representatives of the liberal order can always cry good intentions and open dialogue, denying that, through their behavior and affiliations, they have already taken a side that is in opposition to the interests of those who protest them.
The Architecture of Kikiās Delivery Service (1989)
There was a time when conversations about privilege and identity-based oppression were strong and important tools towards defining political movements. In particular, these conversations were often used in higher education to get white people to talk about whiteness, as a 101 conversation towards a broader understanding of oppression. Understanding how your interactions and the unchecked ways you can marginalize people you are interacting with in social, professional and classroom settings is undeniably important, but not as an end unto itself. The end is the liberation of all nationally oppressed peoples. Unfortunately, privilege discourse has become its own, nearly ubiquitous political line, its hamster wheel politics. Its the same conversations over and over again. Its constant struggle with no progress. Talking about privilege is a legitimate method to catalog some of the ways some individuals tend to benefit over others, but it canāt go much further than that.
While we should recognize the importance of a basic understanding of identity-based oppressions, it's also important to understand the limitations of the discourse. Framing identity-based oppression as the main political line does not allow for the adequate deconstruction of oppressive structural issues built to maintain white supremacy and disrupt national liberation of the oppressed. Identity discourse alone cannot fix structural problems because rather than opening up to a wider critique, it atomized the issues to their smallest level: the individualās responsibility to ācheck themselvesā when they marginalize another person from a āmore oppressedā identity group. These privilege politics have observably stalled progress towards breaking down white supremacy.
Itās time to stop centering our discourse around identity-based privilege politics. Call-out culture and privilege-checking, as political tools, ultimately amount to little more than a series of underwhelming interpersonal confessions. Discussion of skin privilege, for example, places whiteness at the focal point; the discourse of identity politics will group as many people into the category of white as possible, which is in no way a new phenomenon. This is largely where the term āwhite passingā has developedā and although this wasnāt a term used until recently, the discourse around it is very similar to how grouping as many indigenous peoples as white was used as a tool for colonial and cultural genocide. In many cases when someone uses the term āwhite passing,ā they are actually describing a situation of colorism or shadeism, although not necessarily accurately. These terms are prescribed to any discriminatory behavior anywhere in the world, as long as it has to do with skin tone. There is a paper by Solomon Leong that explores the notion of āfair skinā and its social construction in Hong Kong as a basis of a social hierarchy that gave birth to the design and marketing of skin whitening products. In the paper Leong describes skin tone as āas a visual agent in defining the boundaries of cultural identity, and in identifying a person's place in a local social hierarchy." The acute reality is that there are benefits to being lighter skinned, but this is not āwhite privilege.ā
āWhite privilegeā cannot and does not exist monolithically and as such is an inadequate framework for analysing whiteness, a concept that varies drastically based on context. āWhite privilegeā is a moving target that cannot discern geographic location, socioeconomic status or the effects of colonialism and settlerism. Ironically, itās the same homogenous definition that settler scumbags have been wielding for hundreds of years to justify the theft of land and resources from Indigenous peoples. Four hundred years of European colonization in the Americas has widened the gene pool, allowing for native peoples with the possibility of lighter skin, hair and eye color. Andrew Jackson, the seventh U.S. president, used that effect as justification for the removal of Cherokee peoples from their lands, saying they were now really āwhiteā and hence their lands were not entitled to them. Natives Americans were valued for their land so it makes sense from a colonial lens to group as many to be as white as possible.
This is a good example of how privilege rhetoric becomes increasingly confusing and obfuscating. People describe privilege with rubrics that say things like, āyou do not get followed around in stores,ā or āno one questions you when you get a great job.ā This understanding of privilege becomes a way to selectively describe oppression as interpersonal discrimination, a kind of idealistic reductionism that gets nowhere near the real issue. The issues at play are structural, not individual. Colorism is realālight skin does come with its benefitsābut both colorism and racism were born out of white supremacy, the structural basis for a huge portion of the oppression that exists in the United States today.
The term and idea of āwhitenessā is new to our history. When Europeans settlers came to the U.S. they came with distinct identity categories: Irish, Dutch, English, and so on. Elite rich white planters developed colonies in the south with slavery as the economic foundation. Virginia had about 50 families that fit within this āeliteā category, and the whites in the south were vastly outnumbered by large numbers of black slaves and indigenous peoples in the area. Class lines began to harden. As the distinctions between rich and poor became more apparent, the elites began to fear an uprising from below. As slaves revolted, the rich began to worry that discontented whitesāthe urban poor, indentured servants, tenant farmers, soldiers, and the property-lessāwould join forces with black slaves in rebellion based on class alliances. In 1676, Baconās Rebellionāin which white frontiersmen and indentured servants revolted with black slavesāshook the planter elite to the core. Revolts spread throughout the colonies, from New York to South Carolina. The elitesā solution was to divide and control this broad working-class alliance. Certain privileges were given to white indentured servants;they were allowed to join militias, carry guns, acquire land, and have other legal rights not allowed to slaves. But to gain these privileges, one had to be legally declared white on the basis of skin color and continental origin. This solidified poor whites as legally "superior" to Blacks and Indians. Thus, whiteness was deployed as an apparatus to prevent lower-class whites from joining people of color, especially Blacks, in revolt against their shared class enemies. Even today, unity across color lines remains the biggest threat in the eyes of a white ruling class.
The context of the history of āwhitenessā begins to show the limitation of identity politics. When these conversations take shape they rarely take any aspect of economic position into account. Identity politics have the tendency to emphasize matters of culture, language, ethnicity, ability, and so on while avoiding underlying issues of economic exploitation and oppression. The role of imperialism in sustaining the system of social oppression is rarely considered, even though itās the systemic root of racial oppression in the U.S. today. āWhitenessā developed as a class alliance to undermine any attempts by lower and working classes to liberate themselves, and simply cataloging privileges is not enough to deconstruct a system of racial oppression that has intentionally constructed us in opposition to each other in order to decrease our chances of revolutionary success.
Building and maintaining class solidarity is one of our strongest assets as we challenge and deconstruct white supremacy, and we must leave space for solidarity outside of a particular national and cultural groups. We are working towards queer liberation, and the liberation of all oppressed national groups, but liberal identity politics have become embedded in the minutia of discourse, and discourse alone. It will take a deep examination of the history of oppression and how it is currently maintained, and the creation of a strong and unified political line across these struggles if weāre going to tear them down.

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(art by Gavin Aung Than, words by dril)
Why I Just Dropped The Harassment Charges The Man Who Started GamerGate.
Iām not editing this, so I apologize if itās long and rambly and messy. It needs to be. Iāve been measured and silent and obedient for so, so, so long, but if Iām going to write about denied humanity it needs to be like this. You need to see unsanitized, reckless honesty just as much as I need to write it. Targets of mob abuse take a risk every time weāre brutally honest in public, so we usually donāt, but Iām too frustrated to give you PR and Iām working against the clock. If Iām gonna get hurt for an update in my court case, itās about fucking time it happens on my terms instead of his.
I just hung up from what I hope will be my last phone call with the District Attorney assigned to my case, and I choked back tears as she told me that Iād conducted myself with grace through this whole nightmare. I donāt know why Iām crying. Iām writing this and examining it as I go through the fog of someone with PTSD. I donāt know if the tears are out of frustration of having sunk a year and a half into this awful system for seemingly less than nothing, or if itās out of relief.
My ex, who weāll call Creep Throat because seeing his name makes a knot of anxiety rise in my throat, will be notified soon that the charges were dropped, but not why. Iām sure heāll launch another salvo of flat out lies and spun truths to make it seem like the last year and a half was a byproduct of me āasking for itā, that the courts saw through it, while making him seem like a downtrodden hero of free speech. He managed to do that with previous court dates, leaving out things like a judge flat out stating that she believed he had physically assaulted me during the last time we had sex, and that heād gone through my friends social media feeds of the day afterward to prove that I wasnāt āacting like a victimā by spending time with friends.
So, instead of just watching this happen for the who-knows-how-manyth time, Iām going to talk about it. Itās not really about me as much as it is an attempt to dispel some common bullshit assumptions the average person has about the justice system, and what it means to āpress chargesā. Ā Ā
One of the biggest myths that needs to die is that your first response to being abused should be to go to the police and seek justice. Leaving aside the fact that the police flat out murder unarmed citizens for their race all the time, and that sex workers are likely to be incarcerated when reporting crime done to them, and a myriad of other things I canāt get into, I have a certain amount of privilege and a well-documented case. I have one of the most public abuse cases out there, it started a hate movement thatās swept up my industry and hurt dozens of bystanders, and got international media attention. A lot of people donāt think of it in terms of domestic violence, they forget where the flashpoint of GamerGate came from - you might not even know the man responsibleās name. To make matters worse, I was unable to speak up during that time period out of fear of reprisal from the judicial system (more on that later) and watched as he was washed out of history (along with a lot of other people targeted). I was on my own on this front, until the Boston Magazine article was posted by a journalist who had been following everything and speaking with my ex. Shortly after, I got a call from the DA telling me that I shouldnāt have been told to simply go offline, and that she knew we had a very strong case worth prosecuting.
So why am I dissolving it then? Ā Ā
Ironically, getting a restraining order against Creep Throat was the least effective thing I could do in terms of getting him out of my life for good, and for protecting myself. Iāll discuss the hot mess of problems around that experience at a later time. Without getting into a long, complicated blow by blow, every time something happened or the case was updated, heād run back to the mob and make promises and jokes and pleas for more money. The mob would respond by going after me, my family, and anyone else they decided was involved. The mythology surrounding me would expand, conspiracy charts would āproveā I am secretly rich and really deserved it all along, and inspire more threats, stalking, and abuse. The cycle repeated itself endlessly. People kept getting hurt for being close to me, for a poorly worded restraining order that did nothing.
This cycle was so vicious that I even vacated the order myself once he appealed, hoping to make it end. I gave him the legal relief that heād asked for. It might sound weak but Iām not made of stone, Iām a scared person trying to escape her abuser in spite of the fact that heās created a self-perpetuating faction within my own industry to continue to punish me for walking away. It wasnāt about him fighting a powerful evil woman, or gaining his oh-so-crucial right to sic a mob on me, itās always been about punishing me. It was about using it as a way to hurt me further, so when I gave him what he ostensibly wanted he actually *showed up to object to my motion to vacate the order and hand him a win*. The court dismissed him, and the order has been dead for months, and yet heās back on Kotaku In Action chumming the waters about the oral arguments theyāre hearing on a nonexistent order next month.
He gets paid, he gets attention (he even brought a date to court once), and the cycle continues. All the while, shit gets worse and worse for me and my family. The simple fact of the matter is the criminal justice system is meant to punish, not protect. I donāt care about seeing him punished - I would rather he get better. And theyāve done nothing to protect me - itās only made things worse and become another weapon in his arsenal, and the arsenal of the people out there way scarier than him.
This is the last email I sent to my DA.
It was a reddit thread that showed up in my Google Alerts for my name, that I had set up to help grow my indie dev business before all this started like so many people in my industry. The title wasĀ āif eron goes to jail, I will hunt zoe quinn down and rape herā. Alerts and direct contact like this, specifically discussing the court case, was only escalating and becoming more common. Iām used to things like this at this point, but it doesnāt mean it doesnāt effect me. It doesnāt mean it doesnāt effect anyone close to me who becomes collateral damage in this sick crusade my ex started against me. The continual escalation only ever increases the chances that someone will make good on something like this. Trying to get the law to protect me has only continually put me in harmās way.
Why, then, would I ever want to sign up for more years of my life spent flying back to Boston, a place where itās not safe for me to be, to continue another chapter in this nightmare? Why would I want to keep digging at a giant scar?
āEstablish legal precedent!ā you might think. I did too. Then Elonis v United States offered little hope that a court wouldnāt skirt the issues of how domestic violence manifests online. Then Steph Guthrie and her co-defendant lost their case, the transcripts showing equal parts āshe was asking for itā and āhow did this get in there i am not good at computersā. Going to court is like rolling the dice, the precedent you established isnāt up to you, and I didnāt want to risk becoming a tool in the next Creep Throatās arsenal if we lost. I have have worked with enough lawmakers, law enforcement officers, lawyers, and judges at this point through our work with Crash Override to know that education is sorely lagging behind on these issues, not to mention the cultural biases that come with any cases like that.
You probably know that judges and juries can be biased and hold backward views and assumptions, given that youāre a human in 2016 reading this blog and have probably seen at least one news story about a cop getting away with murdering an unarmed black citizen without so much as a trial. You may have seen it in any reporting on how unlikely it is for rape survivors to see justice combined withĀ how backward everyone is about talking about it. This is at least partly because the US has a very specific idea of who is worth protecting, doubly so when the person in question is being victimized while marginalized.
When you seek charges, youāre on trial as much as the other person, if not more. The āasking for itā defense is alive and well even in 2016, and you have to be a āgood victimā in order to give your case the best shot it has. āGood victimā, when it comes to women in domestic or gendered violence cases like mine, tends to mean a lot of loaded, even conflicting things. The courts do not favor a lot of women simply for being who they are - women of color, trans women, sex workers, I could go on. Even beyond that, you have to be well behaved and silent about the proceedings, or risk pissing off the judge and giving the defense attorneys ammo to work with. Even my Cracked article was waved around in court by my exās lawyers, citing it as āthe most disgusting thing that happened during GamerGateā despite my almost one foot stack of threats and photos of me that people had printed out, jizzed on, and sent to my family. The defense, so far, had hung a hat on trying to prove I deserved all of this. Ā
I have been open about my depression and my history in sex work. I have not gone out of the public eye during all of the abuse, and I donāt regret that. I believe in standing up for sex workers and people living with mental health concerns and anyone else I can, and I donāt know what would have happened if I had kept my mouth shut when I was targeted two years ago. But this comes with a cost - everything I have said and done will be held against me and spun by my abuser. The cost of being who I am in defiance of the abuse was sacrificing being a good victim.
The spin is even more successful in these cases, because of how disconnected judges, lawyers, police, and juries often are from the internet. One told me to simply give up my career and stop going offline if I didnāt like the abuse. He barely bothered to look at my huge stack of evidence before declaring he had no idea what the internet was about and didnāt want to know.
All the while, itās hard to explain the indignity of having to sit through this and try to be a āgood victimā. To sit in the same room as the man who did this to you and so many others and not appear too emotional or shaken, because the last time you said āuhā too much it became āproofā that you were lying instead of reliving trauma on command. To hide your anger and your outrage and your hurt so you donāt look like youāre seeking revenge, but to also not hold back TOO much because then you look robotic and unaffected like you havenāt been in fear of this man or in fear for your life for almost two years. To have to sit silently while everyone messes up basic facts of the case because they canāt tell the difference between usernames. To leave little bloody half moons in the palms of your hands from squeezing your fists tightly to try to look like you arenāt shaking from being in the same room with him.
What good does any of this do for anyone? Itās been almost two years now, and I desperately want to move on with my life. Even if I did win, I doubt locking Creep Throat away would do anything. Even putting aside my huge misgivings with the US prison system, heās not going to change. The people who support him would see him as a martyr. Iād probably be looking at years of appeals and court dates and apologizing to my family for MRAs screaming at them in the middle of the night.
Iām tired. I have been trying to pick up the pieces of my life for almost two years at this point, and Iāve done a lot of healing, a lot of building what I feel like are more workable pushes to improve the lives of people being abused online, and a lot of self-improvement. Iām getting to a place where Iām kind of ok even while the abuse hasnāt slowed down. But every time I have to touch this festering part of my life, it drains the energy out of me. I have less energy to do casework at Crash, less energy to meet with tech partners to tell them how to do better and the ways theyāre fucking up, less energy to make my goofy video games about feelings and farts, less energy for my friends and family and loved ones that have been helplessly watching me torn apart by this man for years.
In my opinion, itās not time yet. Iām not the right person to win this fight or set this precedent. Itās too early, and Iām a messy complicated artist who has a hard time keeping her mouth shut while she watches other people hurt. Iām not the platonic ideal of a good victim because Iāve had a long past. I donāt even have any faith in the system to not totally fuck it up every step of the way even when itās working as intended. The simple fact of the matter is that Iām less useful to the world as someone who fought this case, win or lose, than someone who can throw all hope of winning away to be honest with you, to educate you, to try and call for reform so I can set the next girl up for a spike instead of falling on my face. Thatās even assuming the process doesnāt kill me - Iām still someone who was already living with depression, that now has complex PTSD on top of it.
Iām scared of posting this, but Iām tired of hiding and keeping my head down and plodding along. I know itāll kick some shit up, everything does, but I also know heās going to try to twist this stuff like he always has. Iām tired of letting him control me. Iām tired of being afraid of being honest. Iām tired of watching people hand out ājust go to the police theyāll protect youā while I silently scream and bite my tongue, because I know the advice-giver is giving horrible, ignorant advice. Itās so much more complicated than that, and if someone decides to go to the cops about their abuser they should be doing it with a more informed and prepared plan than I ever did. They shouldnāt have to have their lives hijacked for years to find out that thatās what they were even risking in the first place. I wish I had those two years back. The least I can do to make that right is to be honest and open with the world while trying to reduce the cost of maneuvering through these systems. The least I can do is try to succeed at getting my life back where the courts have utterly failed. Ā Ā Ā
I wonāt ever get my life back, but that doesnāt mean I canāt live in the meantime. Hopefully the next girl wonāt have years stolen from her in the first place.
And again, sorry if Iāve put my foot in my mouth through any of this unedited brain dump. Itās been a really, really long 2 years and I am more than a little tired.Ā
āWhen did slavery end in America?ā
If you ask a white teenager, you might get the answer, āFour hundred years ago.ā But thatās not the answer. Four hundred years ago was 1615, when the Jamestown colony had only existed for eight years and chattel slavery was just beginning.
Others might say, āWhen Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation, of course.ā But thatās not right either. That only freed slaves in Confederate territory seized by the Union. The Union slave statesāMissouri, Kentucky, Maryland, Delaware, and the then-in-formation West Virginiaāwere exempt and allowed to keep their slaves, along with Tennessee, which had more or less been returned to the Union, and Union-loyal areas of Louisiana (including New Orleans) and coastal Virginia. Because it was unenforceable in most of the Confederate states, only about 1-2% of slaves were freed by the Emancipation Proclamation.
āWell, then,ā they might say, āit was definitely when the Thirteenth Amendment was passed.ā And still, they would be wrong. While that pivotal law did free the vast majority of Americaās slaves, the text of the law is this: āNeither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.ā
So when did slavery end in America? The answer is, āNever.ā
As discussed in the PBS documentary Slavery By Another Name (available in full by clicking the link), as the federal government withdrew funding and support for Reconstruction, the South began a system of leasing prisonersāallowed by law to be used as slavesāto the plantations to replace their free labor. Those affected by this system were treated even worse than those held in bondage under slavery before the Civil War, as slaves were an expensive investmentāthe $800 average cost of a slave in 1860 is roughly $21,000 in todayās dollarsābut leased prisoners were replaced by the prison if killed and payment continued as scheduled, deincentivizing what little humane treatment was afforded slaves.
It was so profitable and in such high demand that, within ten years of its implementation, the stereotype of black people in America had changed. Prior to the Civil War, the stereotype of black people was that we were inherently docile, servile, and loyal. This only makes sense, because if we were viewed as inherently violent and thieving and criminal like we are today, why would they have trusted us with their livelihoods, their crops, and their children? (Side note: this is also where the stereotype of black people loving watermelon came fromāthe idea that if we were just given a cool slice of watermelon on a hot day, we would work forever). But once they were no longer allowed to own us outright and had to lease us from prisons, police and judges did everything in their power to make sure they had a robust source of free labor. Black people were arrested on false or trumped-up charges, and within ten years, the recorded arrest and conviction rate for black people had skyrocketed so much that the stereotype was entirely inverted from what it had been previously.
The prison system may have stopped leasing prisoners to plantations, but they still lease prison labor to corporations and local governments. Prisonersāprimarily black, of course, because we are targetedāare forced to fight wildfires, manufacture consumer goods, and even make goat cheese for Whole Foods. Our economy was built on slave labor, and it still runs on it to a disconcerting extent. And to make that work, black and Latino neighborhoods are targeted by law enforcement and manipulated through things like school closings and schools being unfathomably underfunded to ensure an ever-growing population of prisoners, an ever-growing population of slaves.
So the next time someone asks you when slavery ended in America, tell them the truth. Tell them, āNever.ā

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Liberalismās inherent racism.
You can recognize the influence of liberalism in any political philosophy or practice thatā, āconsciously or notā, āfocuses on individual equality before social power. What is it that says that ending racism means setting aside our differences and finding commonality? Liberalism. What is it that says that we need love to bring us together and to end the hate which drives us apart? Liberalism. What is it that says to choose unity over disunion? Liberalism. What is it that says racism/sexism/sizeism hurts everyone? Liberalism.
All of these ideas value a certain perception of equality at the expense of those who suffer due to social inequality.