Long Time No SEAS

Japan is without a doubt a modern country. Osaka, for example, is an intensely consumer-oriented city. A walk down the people-jammed streets surrounding its arcade is full of huge screens advertising everything from clothing to mouthwash, and vendors yelling out deals from shop doorways. Even Osaka’s river has become a commodity; the city government is developing plans to turn it into a swimming pool.

An arcade in Osaka. Source.

While Osaka embodies the hyper-modern consumer culture of Japan, Kyoto exemplifies something else entirely. Though Kyoto’s crowded Teramachi lane and many department stores undoubtedly pander to shoppers, the city is much more steeped in its tradition and history than cities like Osaka. A walk down Teramachi will take you past not only a McDonalds, but also a Shinto shrine, and the loudspeakers in this city play recordings of temple bells rather than blare advertisements at passerby.

Teramachi Arcade in Kyoto.

Furthermore, the city’s tourism is also focused largely on its rich history. The many temples that “thrived as the result of generous shogunal patronage,” have become “popular destinations for pilgrims and tourists” and books about the city have “extolled the area’s many wonders” (Stavros 182). Tourism in Kyoto is what eventually connected the “disparate network” of towns and temples into a “contiguous tapestry of urbanization” and this is to a certain extent reflected in the tourism culture seen in Kyoto today, however this culture is not as noticeable in Kyoto as it is in cities such as Osaka or Nara, which was preserved solely as a tourist site (Stavros 182).

The tourism culture that helped Kyoto to modernize has led to a loss in some of the city’s history. Stavros describes how newly paved roads were “bathed in neon” as structures like the Imperial Palace were left unused and many machiya have been destroyed (Stavros 184). Furthermore, much of the imperial pageantry that characterized the Heian period was lost even before modernization, in the Age of the Warring States, during which “the classical city and all it was meant to represent were finally and truly wiped away” (Stavros XXIII). Despite these losses of culture, as well as the fires and civil strife that “frequently wiped out large portions of the cityscape,” much of Kyoto’s history has been preserved. Today, Kyoto contains “gleaming” temples and shrines as well as seventeen UNESCO world heritage sites that attract both domestic and international tourism, and “aggressive preservation campaigns” have led to modern commercial areas taking on more ‘traditional appearances” as the city continues to grow (Stavros 184). Though the Kyoto of today is very different from the city its founders envisioned, it remains permeated by its own history, and was a truly amazing place to study as a student of Asia.

Kyoto’s modern day cityscape. Source.

                                                       Works Cited

Stavros, Matthew. “Kyoto: An Urban History of Japan’s Pre-Modern Capital”. Honolulu: Univeristy of Hawai’i Press, 2014. Print.

The Kinkaku shari-den, or Golden Pavilion, and the Ginkaku Kannon-den, or Silver Pavilion, are both extremely popular tourist sites in Japan. The Golden Pavilion, built by Ashikaga Yoshimitsu, is three stories high and covered in gold leaf. The building incorporates Shinden, Shoin (warrior) and Zen architectural styles and is an embodiment of Ashikaga Yoshimitsu’s appreciation for the arts (Stavros 118). Ashikaga’s grandson, Yoshimasa Yoshimitsu, built the Silver Pavilion in the image of the Golden Pavilion. Its architectural style is very similar to the Golden Pavilion’s though the structure is not actually covered in silver.

The Golden Pavilion

The Silver Pavilion. Source.

The Golden and Silver Pavilions’ inclusion of Shinden architectural style is very significant, especially since the Shogunate was expected to build in the Shoin style emblematic of its rule. The inclusion of Shinden style in the Golden and Silver Pavilions can be considered “the result of a compulsion to fulfill the ritual demands of…official station” using traditional architecture (Stavros). The use of Shinden style was a way for the Ashikaga Shogunate to pay its respects to the powerful imperial court of the past. This adherence to tradition is also noticeable in the Pavilions’ locations on the outskirts of Kyoto. Despite the increasing irrelevance of Kyoto’s boundaries, “no bestsugyo were built within the boundaries of the old city,” suggesting a “sustained respect” for imperial power (Stavros 100).

However, this respect for imperial power only extends so far. Both the Pavilions are examples of betsugyo, or lavish residential complexes of retired elite, like Ashikaga, who “enjoyed expansive influence by right of their land wealth and close personal ties to both the court and religious establishments” (Stavros 99). The betsugyo are physical embodiments of the powerful private personas that allowed elites to behave in ways “well beyond their roles as public servants” (Stavros 101). Though the betsugyo are all located outside of the capital as a sign of respect for imperial power, they exemplify the elites of Japan finding a type of loophole in society’s hierarchy that allowed them to continue to exercise power without stepping on any toes. The Golden Pavilion best exemplifies the extent of the elites’ private displays of power, the striking building was so impressive at the time of its construction that the Ming court mistook Ashikaga for the “King of Japan” (Stavros 98).

Today, the Golden and Silver Pavilions remain important features in the Japanese landscape. The buildings, especially the Golden Pavilion, are beautiful to look at, and when the SEAS group visited both were quite crowded with tourists and school trips. The continued fame of both sites highlights how impressive both buildings are, and serves as a reminder of the influence of the Ashikaga Shogunate.

                                                Works Cited

Stavros, Matthew. “Kyoto: An Urban History of Japan’s Pre-Modern Capital”. Honolulu: Univeristy of Hawai’i Press, 2014. Print.

    Kyoto, or Heian-kyo, was created to be the “eternal capital” of Japan, and the “grand vision” of opulence and hierarchical structure that the political pageantry of the Heian “theater state” created is reflected in the modern city today (Stavros 11, 27).  The Daidairi, geometric grid pattern, and roads in Kyoto today all reflect the “top-down addressing scheme” that defined each part of the city’s urban landscape “as an elemental part of the whole” when it was built (Stavros 26-27).

      Despite the fact that the Emperor’s master plan for the city was never fully realized, the presence of the imperial court in Kyoto had a huge impact on the city’s design (Stavros 27).  Kyoto was “meant to be a mononuclear capital: the imperial institution was the political, economic, and social center of gravity, and every constituent element of the city was oriented—physically and philosophically – around a single, unified public core embodied in the emperor and his palace compound” (Stavros 2). These values are reflected in the Daidairi, which was located at the “top center of the cityscape” in order to indicate the Emperor’s place above the rest of society (Stavros 8). Furthermore, the “material opulence” of the main venues of state ritual in the Daidairi emphasizes the political pageantry that was ingrained in the government at the time (Stavros 16).

 The above photo is of Heian Shrine, a five-eights replica of the Chodo-in, or imperial court compound, of the Daidairi (Stavros 16, 18). Visiting the shrine earlier in the week gave our group a glimpse of the grandeur of the original Chodo-in, which must have been awe-inspiring at full size.

      Kyoto’s geometric grid pattern is also indicative of the “strong, centralized, and Sinicized polity that ruled the city from the top down in Kyoto,” giving the grid “symbolic significance” (Stavros 11). The grid was composed of machi that allowed location to be “determined in absolute terms” and giving “each institutionally recognized unit of space a name indicative of its place within the whole” (Stavros 15). Furthermore, the roads that naturally developed in the city were purposely wide enough to allow, “highly scripted and grandly orchestrated public processions” to pass through them (Stavros 11). The grid system in Kyoto was very much a product of the hierarchical architecture of the city, and shows off how “where people lived, what they built, and how they interacted with the cityscape were guided by principles of status, propriety, and precedent” (Stavros 3).

      The presence of the imperial court heavily influenced Kyoto’s urban plan. The city was intended to be a physical manifestation of the social hierarchy that ruled Japan at the time of its creation and the grid system and Daidairi exemplify how the city planners attempted to exhibit this hierarchy. Though many of these aspects of Heian-kyo (such as the original Daidairi) no longer exist, the influence of the original city plan in modern Kyoto is apparent.

                                                   Works Cited

Stavros, Matthew. “Kyoto: An Urban History of Japan’s Pre-Modern Capital”. Honolulu: Univeristy of Hawai’i Press, 2014. Print.

        Singapore, with an area of only 716.1 square kilometers, needed to integrate itself into the global economy if it was going to support itself without the natural resources to do so own its own from the beginning (Google). Since its independence only fifty years ago, “the little red dot” has employed “long-term entrepreneurial urban planning” in a conscious attempt to achieve global city status (Huang 82). Globalizing a city “is producing a world city system that transcends national institutions, politics and culture” (Dick 52). In other words, a global city is a service-oriented city that plays an important role in the world system. Singapore, though it is both small and young, has undoubtedly achieved global city status. However, this status has come at the expense of some of its citizens, as well as of some of the local culture in the diverse city-state.

           At least economically, Singapore is unquestionably a global city. It has attracted huge amounts of foreign direct investment and is very “heavily engaged in trading and financial activities” worldwide (So 232). However, Singapore’s economic success does not benefit all its citizens. Instead, there is a growing class gap in Singapore that serves to deepen the racial divides between the Malay, Chinese, Eurasian, and Indian populations in the country that have existed since the British colonized the nation. Those in Singapore who work in food stands or as domestic workers often make far less than other Singaporeans, and feel excluded form both the nation’s economy and culture (Quek). Furthermore, urban mega-projects such as the Marina Bay Downtown project have been accused of creating an “urban glamor zone” that leaves the socially disadvantaged who have “born the brunt of the local changes to accommodate the paraphernalia of globalization” out of the profit of these projects and perpetuates “income inequalities” between citizens (Dick 76). The exclusion and financial difficulties faced by many Singaporeans are often hidden by the government in an effort to maintain the glossy image of Singapore as a global city that is a great place to both live and work (Huang).

A bad picture of the skyline from the top of the Marina Bay Sands, Singapore’s iconic resort, taken by yours truly. The view is a result of the Marina Bay Downtown mega-project meant to create a memorable downtown area worthy of a global city, and is an example of the “urban glamor zone” the project has been accused of creating.

           In addition to the social exclusivity certain aspects of Singapore’s efforts to become a global city is accused of, the city has also been criticized as becoming “overly western,” and giving up much of its local culture in its quest for world recognition (Huang).  The loss of the “timeless, contemptuous, fascinating river, smelling of all things imaginable” and the alleyway markets set up to “exchange gossip, prices, companionship, fish, durian, shirts, and the time of day” is often lamented, and the newer projects in Singapore are accused of being “self-conscious, organized, [and] expensive” (Dick 58). Furthermore, this loss of local culture adds to the social exclusion many of Singapore’s minorities are already feeling, exacerbating the current racial tensions that exist in Singapore.

A picture of the Singapore river in 1961. Source. See the contrast with the below picture of the modern Singapore river. Source.

           Despite the issues that accompanied globalization, Singapore’s quest for global city status can still be considered a success. None of the decisions the People’s Action Party under Lee Kuan Yew made were accidental, and the current greenery, economic success, and bustling social life found in Singapore today are each the result of expert urban planning. Furthermore, efforts are being made to conserve local culture. For instance, a new heritage center just opened in Little India, a heritage district of Singapore.  

A picture of Little India’s new heritage center. Source.

Though Singapore still has work to do, its incredible success over such a short period of time is something to admire.

                                                       Works Cited

Dick, and Rimmer. ""Global Cities": Singapore, Hong Kong, and Kuala Lumpur."

           (n.d.): n. pag. 2009. Web.

Google. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 June 2015. <http://www.google.com/>.

Huang, Shirlena. "The Heart of a Global City: The Remaking of Singapore’s

          City Center." (2013): 81-105. Web.

Quek, Ser Hwee. "History and Society of Singapore." National University of

          Singapore, Singapore. Lecture.

So, Alvin Y. "Hong Kong's Pathway to Becoming a Global City." World Cities     

          beyond the West Globalization, Development and Inequality. N.p.: n.p.,

“The development of these industries attracted educated migrants to the city. The majority of the unskilled migrants became dependent on employment in services as ever fewer of them were absorbed by the textile industry, which declined and was restructured” (Patel 334).

      The above quote from the Sujata Patel article cited below, “Bombay/Mumbai: globalization, inequalities, and politics,” describing the situation of migrant workers in Bombay offers a good comparison to the situation of the different classes of migrant workers in Singapore. Migrant workers in Bombay are in a very similar situation to migrant workers in Singapore. Singapore has invested heavily in science and technology industries, and offers large research grants in order to attract educated “foreign talent” to the city. Educated European and American graduates often spend time researching in Singapore before returning to their home countries thanks to these investments. Furthermore, there is little government regulation on industry in Singapore, encouraging foreign companies to invest. In Bombay educated migrant workers are less of a transient feature of the city’s landscape, but are also attracted to the city by investment in industries such as engineering and pharmaceuticals, paralleling Singapore’s recruited “foreign talent.”

           The position of unskilled migrants in Singapore is very different than that of so-called “foreign talent.” Rather than receiving privilege and respect in Singaporean society, unskilled migrant workers are given a two to three year work contract to do menial labor. They live in cramped HDB flats and lead uncomfortable lives during the time they spend in the city. The life of a migrant worker in Singapore parallels the life of a migrant worker in Bombay in these respects, though like the foreign talent of Singapore, their stay in the country is much shorter than the stay of an unskilled laborer in Bombay. Furthermore, unskilled workers in Bombay work in manufacturing, especially in textiles, while unskilled migrants in Singapore often do janitorial work.

    The most apparent similarity between the migrant workers in both cities is the class gap between the skilled and unskilled workers. In Bombay unskilled workers live in slums ruled by the Shiv Sena, often without toilets. In the words of Patel, this is an “extreme contrast” with the upper class’s situation in both cities. Conditions are not so drastic in Singapore for unskilled migrant workers, but when compared to the private housing or the HDB flats of the upper class in the city, the contrast between the two groups is still obvious. I’ve attached some contrasting images of housing in India below to help illustrate this point more clearly.

Dharavi, the Slum in Mumbai, India where Slumdog Millionaire was filmed. You can find the article and the picture here.

Upper-class housing in India. The contrast between the two is obvious. Photo creds to.

If you’re curious about the issues facing migrant workers in Singapore, Stephanie Chok’s special feature for the online citizen offers great insight and some pretty shocking photos. You can find it here

                                           Works Cited

Patel, Sujata, ed. “Bombay/Mumbai: Globalization, Inequalities, and Politics.“

     World Cities beyond the West: Globalization, Development and Inequality.

     Cambridge: Cambridge Online, n.d. 328-47. Print.