Tatler No. 202
The Federal Tatler ©
by John Lanahan
No. 202: The more things change . . .: US v. Paul Davis
The Supreme Court is still dormant, so what’s left but . . . a war story. This one, however, is more a war epic, maybe a Bildungsroman that exposes much of what is wrong with what we euphemistically call the “Criminal Justice System.” It’s about my client Paul Davis, who was arrested in 1992 while traveling with three other African American men, all United States citizens, in a car going from San Diego to Riverside. The car was stopped at the Temecula checkpoint that the Supreme Court has held does not violate the Fourth Amendment in order to monitor illegal immigration, and referred the car to secondary inspection (surprise). The Ninth Circuit had held by then that a referral to secondary inspection did not require reasonable suspicion. The men were told to get out of the car and one of them was seen tossing a gun underneath it. 77 grams (less than three ounces) of marijuana, packaged in small baggies, was found in the car as well as some clothing that had a receipt made out to Paul in one of the pockets.
Paul had the worst record of the bunch and was charged with possession of the firearm by a felon. Because he had three prior robbery convictions, he was charged with the federal crime du jour of the 1990's, being an Armed Career Criminal (ACCA) under 18 U.S.C. 924(e). This statute increased the sentencing range for felon is possession of a firearm from a range of zero to ten years, to fifteen years to life. The United States Attorney brought a number of these cases in this district in the early 90's, spearheaded by then AUSA (now Judge) Larry Burns as a means of clearing the street of dangerous criminals. Not surprisingly, a disproportionate number of African Americans and Hispanics were charged with this particular crime. In Paul’s case, there was an additional charge that added five more years for use and carrying the same firearm during the course of a drug trafficking offense, based upon the marijuana found in the car. The quantity of marijuana made any sentence based upon actual possession of it with intent to distribute low; but the firearm charge added five years regardless of the type or quantity of the drug. In fact, Paul was not even charged with the underlying drug offense, only with possessing the gun during the course of an uncharged drug offense (the Ninth Circuit had ruled that was OK, too).
Paul went to trial before my favorite judge of all time, John Rhoades, and was represented by David Cohen when he was with Federal Defenders of San Diego. Paul was convicted, and David filed a motion for new trial attacking the use of a DEA agent as an expert that 77 grams was a distributable amount of marijuana, but that was denied. He also attacked the use of one of the prior robberies to increase the sentence as an armed career criminal, arguing that because that one of the priors had resulted in a commitment to the California Youth Authority, it should not be used to make him an Armed Career Criminal. That, too, was denied and Paul was sentenced to 322 months in prison for possession of one firearm: 262 months based upon the Armed Career Criminal Guidelines, and another five years for possession of the same gun during the uncharged “drug trafficking” offense of possession of 77 grams of marijuana with the intent to distribute.
This did not sit well with Paul, who was not shy in filing post-conviction motions. He filed the predictable petition for writ of habeas corpus alleging that David, who had since moved to San Francisco, had been ineffective (he was not). That’s how I got involved because Judge Rhoades liked to appoint me on habeas cases. I thought David did as well as he could given how difficult these cases are to win (here’s the felon, here’s the gun, so go convict). I did see another issue that might help given the Supreme Court’s intervening decision in Apprendi v. New Jersey, 530 U.S. 466 (2000), which held that facts that increase the statutory maximum sentence must be plead and proven to a jury. Only one of the prior convictions had been alleged to the jury. ACCA certainly did increase the statutory maximum, so I argued that the sentence of 262 months had to be reduced to no more than 120 months, the maximum for felon in possession of a firearm, because the jury had made no findings on what I argued were the elements of the Armed Career Criminal Act. It sounded good, but I lost because Judge Rhoades found that even if the prior convictions were elements of a new crime and not facts used to aggravate the sentence of felon in possession (Apprendi specially permitted the use of priors to aggravate a sentence without any finding by jury) the Supreme Court had not made that decision retroactive and therefore I could not use a new case to remedy on old wrong. I appealed, lost, and Paul ended up serving all 322 months of that sentence.
While that was going, the issue of mass incarceration, particularly of men of color, had finally become so egregious and, more cogently, expensive that something had to be done about it. The change came from the top – the very top, the United States Supreme Court. First came Descamps v United States, ___U.S.___, 133 S.Ct. 2276, in June, 2013, where the Court examined the use of state prior convictions to increase a sentence under ACCA, and held that burglary under California law could never being used as a predicate prior to increase the ten year maximum sentence for felon in possession. The Ninth Circuit followed that approach in United States v. Dixon, 805 F.3d 1193 (9th Cir. 2015), and held that robbery under California law could also not used to increase a sentence under ACCA. Then came Johnson v. United States, ___U.S.___, 135 S.Ct. 3553, in June, 2015, that found another section of ACCA violated Due Process because it was void for vagueness. At this point, the Supreme Court had drilled the statute so full of holes that it could never be used to impose a sentence like the one Paul received.
In August, 2015, after Johnson had been decided, Paul was released from prison, having been in custody since 1992. His prison term was followed by five years of supervised release, similar to probation or parole. He wasn’t amenable to supervision, and eventually the probation officer applied to Judge Marilyn Huff, who had taken the case over because Judge Rhoades had died eight years before. Probation wanted her to issue a warrant for his arrest right before Christmas, which she refused; but she ordered him to come to court after the holidays. I got reappointed to represent him. He didn’t want to deal with anyone from the courts, including me. Eventually, I got his attention and convinced him to come to court. It seemed to me grossly unfair to continue a sentence that under current law could be no more than 180 months, 142 months less than the time he had already served. So it occurred to me to move to vacate the ACCA sentence of 262 months, given the intervening decisions in Descamps, Johnson, and Dixon. That converted what would be an otherwise dreary proceeding on why his supervised release should not be revoked, that would result in him serving more prison time, into a habeas corpus petition to vacate a sentence that now could not longer be imposed. Judge Huff agreed, and she kept him out so he could continue working at Walmart, a job he had found on his own. She had him report to me instead of probation. I left him alone.
I filed the motion, Judge Huff ordered the Government to response, then denied it because Johnson was not held to be retroactive and could not apply to correct an ACCA sentence that had become final. Then the Supreme Court held, in Welch v. United States, ___U.S.__, 136 S.Ct. 1257 (2016), that Johnson was retroactive, so I filed an amended petition. That petition, however, was a successive habeas petition because I had filed another one years earlier raising the Apprendi issue, so Judge Huff ruled I had to get permission from the Ninth Circuit to file a new one. In the meantime, Paul had lost his job at Walmart because probation kept asking for warrants to have him report and he would spend a few days in jail before he was released after coming to court, and the absences took their toll.
There had to be another way to end this madness. Although Judge Huff kept reiterating in court that the sentence he got in 1992 was valid under the law as it existed then, she was clearly troubled by someone coming before her who, for reasons later found by the Supreme Court, could now get no more than fifteen years. She kept bringing him back to court to see how he was doing and whether he was getting into trouble. He wasn’t, just ran out of excuses for missing work because he was getting locked up. In all of this made me come up with plan B. Judge Huff could, after a year, terminate his supervised release and get probation out of his life, so I argued that rather than have me file a motion in the Ninth Circuit, get permission to file a successive habeas petition, and then file the petition before her and brief it, charging the courts for months and possibly years of work, she could terminate supervise release and end this last vestige of a grossly disproportionate sentence, thereby and rendering the habeas moot.
Guess which one won. On August 1st, she ordered, over the Government’s objection, that supervised release would terminate on August 3rd, a year from his release date. His sentence was over.
The case shows in so many ways what has been wrong with the justice system for decades. First the issue of profiling, and the use of an immigration checkpoint to selectively search for other crimes based upon race. Next, the use of priors to aggravate a sentence for a relatively minor offense into a sentence of more than twenty years. Then the obsession with “finality” that made correcting a sentence that could no longer be imposed into a journey through a procedural labyrinth. Then the failure of relief, too little too late, to correct a gross injustice. Finally, the use of probation or supervised release to hinder and impede Paul’s own efforts to live a law abiding life. These continuing abuses are why many of us, including me, became defense lawyers because we thought, and still think, the way the criminal laws are applied is itself criminal. Paul had the good fortune to be before a judge who saw the gross inequity beneath the seeming legality of what had happened, and she gave him what little relief could be given; but nothing can ever give him back the more than ten real years he should never have served. One may think things have changed, but despite the realization and recognition of the continuing abuses from racism, they remain the same.
















