We fight every kind of oppression. Racism, sexism, Âdegrading people because of their nationality, sexual or gender identity or disabilities â all are tools the ruling class uses to keep us apart. They ruthlessly super-exploit some in order to better exploit us all. WWP builds unity among all workers while supporting the right of self-determination.
Fighting oppression is a working-class issue, which is confirmed by the many labor struggles led today by people of color, immigrants and women.
WWP has a long history of militant opposition to imperialist wars. The billionaire rulers are bent on turning back the clock to the bad old days before socialist revolutions and national liberation struggles liberated territory from their grip. Weâve been in the streets to oppose every one of imperialismâs wars and aggressions.
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The following remarks were presented at the Nov. 19, 2021, Trans Day of Remembrance event held by SAGE â Services and Advocacy for LGBT Elde
Historically, we know, first are the jokes which lead to a climate of violence, which has caused the murder of countless trans people, especially trans people of color. We must protect our trans comrades from these racist, transphobic attacks.
Which leads me to this question, does the free speech of fascistic elements have priority over the very right of any oppressed community or peopleâs right to exist?
This article will appear as a chapter in an upcoming anthology titled âChina Changes Everything.â This book is scheduled for publication in
Chinaâs emergence as an economic powerhouse is a game-changer on a world scale today,
âŚ
We will show some of the ways this difference in ownership impacts further modernization and the ability to adapt to new technology in the two societies. We will also discuss how the U.S. ruling class is reacting to challenges it faces from China and from the crisis in its own capitalist system. Right now, the U.S. politicians and media are waging an ideological assault on China. Refuting their lies and propaganda is helpful, but the fundamental reason behind their hostility must also be exposed. This reason lies in the class and property differences between Peopleâs China and U.S. imperialism.
The 9/11 commemorations should be seen for what they are: an opportunity for the U.S. ruling class to use a collective trauma â the attack on the World Trade Center in New York City â to whip up jingoist and superpatriotic sentiment. ..
Recall the official public details of the September 2001 attacks. Saudi citizens in Al Qaeda, allegedly angry over the U.S. occupation of their country since 1990, targeted symbols of imperialist power: Wall Street financial capital, the Pentagon war machine and probably the U.S. Capitol. âŚ
Bushâs gang punished none of its Saudi allies. Instead, they wielded the popular trauma like a club. They first invaded Afghanistan, then invaded and occupied oil-rich Iraq. In the name of a âWar on Terror,â the Bush administration and, following it, Barack Obamaâs Democratic administration intervened with weapons.
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The articles from Workers World newspaper that appear in this pamphlet are reprinted without omissions or additions, and carry their original headlines. They begin chronologically with the first article to appear in WW after the election victory of the Popular Unity coalition led by Salvador Allende in 1970, and end with a collection of articles from the first issue of the paper to come out after the fascist takeover. They are arranged in this pamphlet, however, with the postÂcoup articles first.
The following excerpted article first appeared online Sept. 14, 2016, to mark the 45th anniversary of this historic uprising of incarcerated
âŚThe story of Attica, Sept. 9, 1971, is the story of how prisons can be incubators of revolutionaries â like George Jackson, assassinated 2 ½ weeks earlier at San Quentin State Prison.
Attica has been described as the biggest deployment of state violence since the crushing of the Native uprising at Wounded Knee â 81 years before.
The significance of the Attica uprising as a prison rebellion transcends prison. Attica was a high-water mark in the Black Liberation Movement of the 1960s and 1970s. It was almost the Black Liberation Movementâs Paris Commune of 100 years before in France in 1871.
Attica was spontaneous, but to the extent that it was led, it was organized by revolutionaries â highly political individuals who considered themselves Marxists, Maoists, Black liberationists. They organized committees for food and for negotiationsâŚ
Houston has a direct role to play in stopping this genocide. By ending all arms shipments for Israel in the Port of Houston, we can help shut down the supply chain of death.
Happiest of Birthdays to our dear comrade Leslie Feinberg! đ
(September 1st, 1949 - November 15, 2014)
Whether it is the struggle of LGBTQ2S+ people, im/migrants, imprisoned people, disabled people â you name it â Leslie Feinberg understood and acted upon the knowledge that these oppressions have a common enemy. Those who study Feinbergâs legacy continue to fight back against capitalist, imperialist and colonial structures of power. Workers and oppressed of the world unite, same struggle same fight. â
Read more about hir life and legacy at workers.org/?s=leslie+feinberg
Happy Birthday Fred Hampton! (August 30, 1948 â December 4, 1969)
"You can kill a revolutionary but you can't kill the revolution.â Fred Hampton, the official chairman of the Illinois chapter of the Black Panther Party and deputy chairman of the national BPP, was only 21 years old on Dec. 4, 1969, when he was brutally assassinated while sleeping in his bed⌠Hampton was in the midst of helping to build a multinational united front of smaller revolutionary formations with varying ideologies in order to organize against U.S. imperialism at home and abroad. This strategy suffered a devastating setback with his assassination. Hampton had gained national prominence due to the dynamic way he spoke revolutionary truth to power, which resonated among the super-oppressed Black people. His growing popularity among the masses and the movement no doubt made him a primary target of the racist, repressive state. Read more about his life at https://workers.org/?p=44687.
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Revered Mexican revolutionary Communist activist and artist. Magdalena Carmen Frida Kahlo y CalderĂłn;
Born 6 July 1907
CoyoacĂĄn, Mexico City, United Mexican States;
Died 13 July 1954, CoyoacĂĄn, Mexico City
Since the heroic Al-Aqsa Flood took place 21 months ago on Oct. 7, 2023, the Zionist state of Israel â with the military backing of the U.S. â has carried out an unprecedented racist genocidal campaign against the people of Gaza, played out daily in real time on social media. No one â including children â has been spared in this catastrophic war of horrific ethnic cleansing, which has included the mass destruction of all infrastructure â housing, hospitals, schools, electricity, places of worship, water, sewage and much more.Â
And then there is the slow, excruciating death by forced starvation of the Gazan population.Â
How Palestine became Israel
No real humanitarian aid, including food, has been allowed into Gaza for months. And when a trickling amount of aid is allowed in, hungry people are used as machine gun targets by the Israeli occupying forces, killing dozens every day under the aegis of the U.S.-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. Some members of the occupying force revealed that they have been ordered to shoot to kill as many hungry Gazans, including children, as possible, according to the Israeli-based July 3 Haaretz publication.
This ongoing phase of genocide since Oct. 7 is enough of a reason to declare that Israel is a terrorist, criminal state. Even the International Criminal Court stated that Israel is guilty of war crimes and that its leaders, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, should be arrested as war criminals wherever they may travel.Â
According to the latest figures released by the Palestinian Ministry of Health in Gaza, over 57,000 Gazans have been martyred and over 136,000 injured since Oct. 7. (Resistance News Network, July 6)
Budget bill is murderous âRobin Hoodâ in reverse.
Workers and other critics of the plan called it the âbig uglyâ bill, because they consider it the largest legislative theft of wealth from the working class and transfer to the richest top 1% in U.S. history. Trump infamously dubbed it the âBig, Beautiful Bill,â and the commander-in-thief signed his administrationâs 900+ page tax and budget policy document into law on July 4.
Originally called the âTax Cuts and Jobs Act,â the first draft passed in the U.S. House on May 22. The Senate made amendments and passed it by Vice President JD Vanceâs tiebreaking vote. It went back to the House floor for a second vote, where the finalized version passed in the early hours of July 3 by 218 to 214.
Trump had given Congress a July 4 deadline, so he could sign it at the White House as Republican Congress members stood behind him with U.S. flags and fireworks in the background making it a jingoistic spectacle.
It was a rare occasion. The headlines of the corporate media provided a succinct analysis of the U.S. mammoth budget bill that became law July 4.
First, you had to hate Trump and all Republicans for pushing the bill through. The Qatar-owned Al Jazeera summed it up: âDonald Trumpâs bill will raise top-tier wealth, erode health care for poor people and raise the deficit by $3 trillion.â
We at Workers World could hardly have put it better. The bill will cut taxes mainly for those with incomes more than $460,000 a year, diminish Medicaid and SNAP Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, formerly food stamps), close hospitals, increase the climate catastrophe, hike funding for ICE repression of migrants and increase weapons purchased for policing the world.
But if the MAGA criminals inspired anger, the Democrats competed by inspiring contempt. True, all Democrats in the House and Senate voted against the bill. But a page 1, New York Times headline on July 4 summed up how the Democratic leaders reacted: âDemocrats See a Chance to Win Voters Back.â The continuation headline was even more deadly: âExpecting Backlash to Bill, Democrats See an Avenue Back to Power in Congress.âÂ
SEIU members protest budget at U.S. Capitol on June 23, 2025.
The article was true to the headline. The Democratic Party leadersâ main reaction â and they spoke about it without shame â was to express something close to joy at the opportunity to blame the Trump administration for the horrors the poorest people will be experiencing as the budget billâs provisions become law.Â
To make it clear what is planned, Republicans voted almost unanimously for the greatest transfer of wealth in history from the many poorest to the few richest U.S. residents.Â
The Democrats â except for a symbolic filibuster speech in the Senate by Cory Booker and a similar eight-and-a-half-hour delay in the House by Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries â did hardly anything to stop the bill from being passed.Â
Donât think there was nothing they could have done. Remember all the Republicans did to sabotage the Affordable Care Act, both while it was being passed and to undermine its effectiveness. The Democrats could have mounted a real Senate filibuster with more than one participant. They could have mobilized the entire collection of House Democrats to ask questions of Jeffries and keep him going beyond the weekend.
Having delayed the passage of the bill and depriving #47 of his big 4th of July victory speech, the Democrats could have started mobilizing those millions of people hurt by the bill to protest.Â
Instead, the Democrats were saying: The people will suffer, and then theyâll vote for us. This is the stance of a party that, although it knew five million people took the streets for the June 14 No Kings protests, cannot even put up a decent show of opposition in Congress. When polls show that 70% of the people opposed the bill, the Democrats wouldnât go all out to stop it.
The lesson of all this is that while itâs a good idea to hate the Republicans and Trump, itâs a bad idea to look to the Democratic Party for the solution.
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1969 Stonewall uprising against police repression: âAll hell broke loose!â
Originally published June 26, 2006, this column was part of Leslie Feinbergâs series on the connections between LGBTQ2S and socialist history. The 120-part âLavender & Red,â which appeared in Workers World from 2004 to 2008, is available for free download at workers.org/book/lavender-red.
No recording device captured the roar or ferocity of the crowd outside the Stonewall bar, enraged by the police raid and the physical brutality and sexual and gender humiliation that was interwoven into the state repression.
However, the militancy and determination of those who fought back that night â June 28, 1969 â is recalled in the words of the top cop who led the raid, Deputy Inspector Seymour Pine: âI had been in combat situations, [but] there was never any time that I felt more scared than then.â
Pine had written the U.S. Armyâs manual for hand-to-hand combat in World War II and was in a mine explosion at the Battle of the Bulge.
By many accounts, the Black, Latinx and white youth, many of them homeless and/or gender-defiant â including Sylvia Rivera, Marsha P. Johnson, Zazu Nova and Jackie Hormona â fought fiercely that night.
And small wonder. These were the bodies and lives most often scarred by police terror and torture. While everyone fought bravely, historian David Carter wrote that âthe preponderance of witnesses, who are both the most credible and who witnessed significant amounts of the action, agree that the most marginal groups of the gay community fought the hardest â and therefore risked the most â on this and the following nights.â (âStonewall: The Riots That Sparked the Gay Revolutionâ)
Many in the [multigender,] multinational, multigenerational crowd of hundreds amassed outside the bar began to hurl their pocket change, shouting, âHereâs your payoff!â â referring to the common practice of payoffs between bar owners, many times tied to organized crime, and the police.
The police showed signs of panic as they were hit with a hail of flying projectiles. They retreated toward the Stonewall Inn, the club they had just emptied out in the raid. One cop near the doorway was reportedly hit in the eye with a thrown object and was visibly bloodied. The police, wrote Village Voice journalist Howard Smith, who was at the scene, âare all suddenly furious.â Three of the cops rushed the crowd to try to back them away.
But the crowd would not be pushed back. The streets outside the club belonged to the people, and they could feel it. They could see the cops were scared, too. One participant, Tom, observed, âA few plainclothesmen were surveying the crowd, obviously panicked.â Ronnie Di Brienza stressed in an article in the East Village Other: âDuring the height of the action, you could see the fear and disbelief on the faces of the pigs.â
A beer can struck Deputy Inspector Charles Smythe in the head. Smythe, who had also been in World War II combat, later said, âI was still shaking an hour later. Believe me, Iâve never seen anything like it.â
Pine reached out from the doorway of the bar and reportedly grabbed the first person he could lay his hands on, folk singer Dave Van Ronk, and pulled him inside the bar. Van Ronk later explained that the cops accused him of throwing the beer can. They held him down, punched him hard and kicked him. They left him handcuffed on the floor of the bar.
Pine came outside to evaluate the relationship of forces. He told the other cops: âLetâs get inside. Lock ourselves inside; itâs safer.â Voice reporter Howard Smith went inside the Stonewall with the 10 members of the police raiding squad. They barricaded the doors with overturned tables.
And then, Pine remembered, âAll hell broke loose.â
Smith reported, âThe exit left no cops on the street, and almost by signal the crowd erupted into cobblestone and bottle heaving.â
Voice journalist Lucian Truscott said he had climbed atop a garbage can to watch the action, and he almost toppled when two men yanked it out from under him and heaved it at the barâs west window.
Participant Morty Manford emphasized: âAnd it escalated. A few more rocks went, and then somebody from inside the bar opened the door and stuck a gun out. Their arm was reaching out with a gun, telling people to stay back, and then withdrew the gun, closed the door and went back inside.â
Yet even the threat of being shot did not stop the crowd. Historian David Carter summed up descriptions by participants of what happened next: âA general assault now began on the Stonewall Inn using anything and everything the crowd inside could get its hands on: garbage, garbage cans, pieces of glass, fire, bricks, cobblestones and an improvised battering ram were all used to attack the police holed-up inside the Stonewall Inn.â
Someone, or more than one person, reportedly cut the electric and phone lines, so the police were inside without the ability to call for backup.
According to accounts compiled by historian Martin Duberman: âThe cops then found a fire hose, wedged it into a crack in the door and directed the spray out at the crowd, thinking that would certainly scatter it. But the stream was weak, and the crowd howled derisively, while inside the cops starting slipping on the wet floor.â
In his later Voice coverage, stinking of bigotry, Smith wrote that from the inside of the Stonewall, âThe sound filtering in [didnât] suggest dancing fâs any more; it sound[ed] like a powerful rage bent on vendetta.â
Smith said he heard âthe shattering of windows, followed by what we imagine to be bricks pounding on the door, voices yelling. The floor shudders at each blow.â
The crowd outside roared âGay power!â and âWe want freedom!â
Pine described: âNow they really in earnest started to come after us. We covered everything, [but] whatever we could find to put up against the windows and the doors didnât last very long. They began to batter this down and made some holes.â The window â which the owners had reinforced with plywood and two-by-fours â was smashed, and the barricaded door was swung open.
Smith peeked out a hole in the splintered plywood, and he thought it seemed that those massed outside were thousands-strong.
In anticipation of the angry crowd rushing in, the cops drew their weapons; one cop picked up a nearby baseball bat. One cop reportedly vowed, âWeâll shoot the first mâfâr that comes through the door.â
But it was an arm that came through the shards of the plywood covering the window. Then the scent of lighter fluid, the fiery tip of a lit match, and flames ignited inside the bar.