Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, vol. ix (1837), p. 264. A Jewish-German periodical devoted to Jewish interests, published in Leipzig and later Berlin from 1837-1922.

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Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, vol. ix (1837), p. 264. A Jewish-German periodical devoted to Jewish interests, published in Leipzig and later Berlin from 1837-1922.

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It makes me a little sad when Judaism gets summed up as âethical monotheism,â and people try to present it as this very clear, rational sort of thing. Because, itâs true, it is that, but itâs also dybbuks, and ghosts you can sue in court, and Lillith who comes in the night, and amulets to keep away Lillith who comes in the night, and changing your name when youâre sick so Death canât find you, and secret codes and mystic math, and smashing glasses at a wedding to scare off the demons.Â
And do I believe in those things? No, but I think I might need them.Â
When I was a kid I went to Hebrew school and we talked about how to worship G-d, and we never mentioned the little things we still do at weddings or when babies are born-- those times when you canât be too careful, when you have a happiness worth protecting with new and with old ways.Â
And I grew up with Jewish religion, but absorbing Christian superstition, and I didnât learn until much later that we had our own Jewish superstitions, and Jewish names to give our fears, and Jewish ways to make ourselves feel safe from them.Â
As a mostly-secular American Ashkenazi Jew, a lot of whatâs been passed to me has come to me from institutions: my synagogue, which naturally tends to capital âRâ Religion; and political and cultural organizations, that tend to focus on the rationality and the potential universality of ethical values. And I think itâs worth thinking about what isnât transmitted that way, and what gets lost, and maybe making more space for embracing our own particular weirdness and irrationality.Â
I donât know, I just have a lot of feelings about folk religion all of the sudden.Â
Our Torah they say is plunder, Our very nameâa danger, Our pedigreeânothing but misery, Our geniusâsimply crime. Our mannersânot refined. Always depraved, depraved, depraved, Always enslaved, enslaved, enslaved Always search, search, search For the blessing in the enemy's curse.
[...] To be in exile, in Rosenfeldâs âGoles,â means to have oneâs tradition or language misunderstood in his ironic sense: the âTorahâ is considered a symbol of âplunder,â when it is in fact the nations of the world who have helped themselves to Hebrewâs resources, as biblical translation created a literary tradition of oneâs âown.â Exile for Rosenfeld means to have oneâs tradition misunderstood; to depart from that slavery means recognizing the âcurseâ of the Jews as an excuse for textual robbery, rediscovering the potential for textual and human exchange that âunser Thoreâ actually represents.
This âblessingâ to be found in the âenemyâs curseâ centers on âunser Nomen,â or âour name.â Here transforming the âcurseâ placed on the foreign means a recognition of Hebrew and its potential for change. In the biblical text it is Jacob who will have his name changed to âIsraelâ after struggling with the angel; he will be granted the name of the nation only after recognizing the angels as translator figuresâas a series of messengers, traveling on a âstairwayâ between different realms, who cannot be mastered by a single âJakob,â no matter how strong (Gen. 28:12, 32:29). In Kafkaâs New York, the Uncle Jakob who undergoes a similar name change conveys this same Hebrew sense of difference as the essential principle that is required for human growth. Changing âJakobâ from his first name to his last, Karlâs uncle becomes more âoriginalâ in the biblical sense, identifying with the âIsraelâ whose identity was founded in a vision of continuous exchange. In Kafkaâs New York novel, getting oneâs ânomenâ changed means reversing the curse, as Rosenfeld suggests, and discovering the origin of tradition in forms of exchange. Uncle Jakob has therefore given up what the text calls his âTaufname,â or baptismal first name, and with it the notion that his sinful, âotherâ identity must be shed.
âDavid Suchoff, Kafka's Jewish Languages: The Hidden Openness of Tradition, 2012
Have you ever been âin a pickleâ?
Then you have encountered Rotwelsch, an ancient language of the road, spoken by vagrants and refugees, merchants and thieves since the European Middle Ages. This tongue was based on a combination of German, Yiddish, Hebrew, a smattering of Romani (the language of Sinti and Roma, pejoratively known as Gypsies), Czech, and Latinâand was incomprehensible to all but initiates.
I was inducted into this strange language during my childhood in Southern Germany. My earliest memories were of strange figures, dressed in long coats that had lost their original colors, who showed up at our door with bags slung across their backs. When it rained, they smelled, and my mother wouldnât let them inside the house. âI know what you want. Wait. Iâll be right back,â she would say.
Lingering near the door, I would hear noises from the kitchen, my mother fixing open-faced sandwiches. While they ate, she remained standing on the threshold, guarding the house, trying to make conversation. I had trouble understanding them because they spoke a strange dialect, mixed with words I didnât know. When they had finished, my mother would take the empty plate from their hands and close the door, relieved that the encounter was over.
âWho are they?â
âThey donât have a home. Weâre giving them something to eat.â
That didnât answer my real questions. I wanted to know why: Why didnât they have a home; why were we giving them something to eat; and why did they have such a strange way of talking?
Later, I asked my father about these men and their language. âThey are Travelers,â he said.
I didnât understand. âWhere are they going?â
âThey are people of the road, escaping to nowhere.â
My uncle eventually figured out why these travelers kept showing up at our house. One day, he found a sign discreetly carved into the foundation stone, a cross with a circle around it, which meant that there was bread to be had here. The signs were called zinken, a word derived from the Latin signum. But the language was Rotwelsch, also known as kochemer loshn, an adaptation of the Hebrew khokhem, which means a wise person and loshn, tongue, or language.
It was a language of those in the know, the lingo of the wise guys. These signs and words pointed to an underground of traveling people; a world hidden away from view. Over centuries, outcasts had developed this secret world, with its coded lingo, to protect themselves from a world hostile to strangers (Rotwelsch means beggarâs cant). Their special language bound migrants together, because it distinguished those who belonged to the road from those who didnât.
The Holy Poem by H. Leivick, translated from the Yiddish by A. Z. Foreman
With my holy poem Clenched between my teeth From my wolf caveâmy hole, my homeâ I go out and I roam From street to street: As a wolf with a wretched bone Clenched between his teeth alone. There is prey enough in the street to sate a wolven hate, and sweet is the humid blood that drips from flesh, but sweeter still is the dry dust settling down on jammed lips.
Struggle on the street, The call of throats. Let me this once come out tonight, A deathtooth bite. That bite is me. But I don't come to gnaw. I hunch into my little self With head beneath my paw. Back to my hole I head And lump onto my bed, But I am awake, Untired from holding clenched Between my teeth alone This holy poem As the wolf his wretched bone.

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PAULA VOGEL, the Pulitzer-prize winning dramatist of How I Learned to Drive, has again collaborated with director Rebecca Taichman in Indecent. Taichman, who just won the 2017 Tony for best direction of a play, is billed as âco-creatorâ of Indecent, having worked with Vogel to devise the playâs highly theatrical presentation. The play is at once a compressed history of a daring Yiddish play, God of Vengeance, written by the Polish novelist Sholem Asch in 1907, and a celebration of the stagecraft that makes theater distinct from film.
[...]
Scandalous in its time, God of Vengeance was nevertheless celebrated in St. Petersburg and Moscow and in other European capitals. On first hearing play, the founding father of Yiddish literature I. L Peretz advised Asch to âburn it.â Peretz and other naysayers were reacting as much to the implicit critique of Jewish life as to the idealistic yet carnal presentation of two young women in thrall to each other. Aschâs depiction of flawed, complex Jews and his willingness to approach lesbianism in his play may well have been the very ingredients that allowed sophisticated theater-goers before the Great War to find God of Vengeance worthy dramatic fare.
[...]
Sitting out World War I in New York, Asch visited Europe after the Great War and was deeply shaken by the depredations visited upon Jewish communities. Back in New York, his devoted wife was alarmed at his increasing depression and his quick temper. An English-language production in Greenwich Village in 1922 was another success, but the playâs move uptown to Broadway encouraged the producer to cut the crucial ârain sceneâ with its joyous lesbian kissing and embraces, and to shift the lesbian relation to one of female manipulation. The troupe protested this desecration of the text, but Asch yielded to the producerâs reading of the uptown audience. Even with the cuts, however, the entire cast and the producer were indicted for obscenity and found guilty at trial, although the verdict was overturned on appeal.
Living in America, Asch seemingly abandoned his play, refusing future performances of God of Vengeance in the wake of Nazi restrictions on Jewish life. However, Vogel shows a group of desperate Jews, confined to the Lodz ghetto, performing the Asch play under the leadership of the original stage manager, a character here called Lemml. Vogel uses Lemml as a distant echo of Thornton Wilderâs Stage Manager in Our Town, a ânarratorâ who breaks the fourth wall and introduces us to the world of the present drama and the past history of Aschâs play.
[...]
The world in which Asch came of age has almost disappeared by the time we see him in the early 1950s. This is toward the end of Vogelâs play; he is being interviewed by a young Jewish student from Yale. This prompts an embittered Asch to quipâI paraphraseâthat it is easier for a rich man to enter the kingdom of heaven than for a Jew to enter the sanctum of Yale.
The Record by Gabriel Preil, translated by Grace Schulman
The poet reads lines about the credences of summer. The glass in his hand hides And rekindles a small fire; a delicate wisdom flares; the beauty of things cannot be exhausted.
but the voice of the poet recalls a shadowy sailor cast up on a desolate shore far from every certainty
Spanning the last two centuries, Horizons Blossom, Borders Vanish: Anarchism and Yiddish Literature by Anna Elena Torres combines archival research on the radical press and close readings of Yiddish poetry to offer an original literary study of the Jewish anarchist movement.
Torres examines Yiddish anarchist aesthetics from the nineteenth-century Russian proletarian immigrant poets through the modernist avant-gardes of Warsaw, Chicago, and London to contemporary antifascist composers. The book also traces Jewish anarchist strategies for negotiating surveillance, censorship, detention, and deportation, revealing the connection between Yiddish modernism and struggles for free speech, womenâs bodily autonomy, and the transnational circulation of avant-garde literature.
Rather than focusing on narratives of assimilation, Torres intervenes in earlier models of Jewish literature by centering refugee critique of the border. Jewish deportees, immigrants, and refugees opposed citizenship as the primary guarantor of human rights. Instead, they cultivated stateless imaginations, elaborated through literature.
I'm attending the YIVO Zoom discussion on this book which is on February 12 at 1 PM ET and it's free to register.