Prosecutors also said a defendant on trial for first-degree murder being granted pre-trial release is almost unheard of. “Rarely does our community see accused murderers roaming about freely,” the prosecutors state in their motion.

The president is also possibly considering the installation of Ric Grenell as CIA director; Grenell is an administration veteran who, while not as overtly bigoted as the others listed here, began his tenure as ambassador to Germany by announcing that he wanted to form alliances with Trump-style “conservative” parties in Europe, which was an interesting thing to hear for those who care to trace the genealogy of right-wing nationalist movements in Europe back to the 1930s or so. Grenell also considers it his chief job duty, no matter what his title is, to post inflammatory MAGA stuff on social media, and was last seen in Nevada failing to convince the court system there that the Democratic Party committed mass voter fraud.

It is common to hear the rhetoric of “white privilege” used to explain everything from the rise of Donald Trump to the “microaggressions” of the university classroom. Less common is to hear an account of the origins of the concept, initially called “white-skin privilege,” developed by the historian and activist Noel Ignatiev, who died at 78 on Nov. 9. Ignatiev presented an analysis of white supremacy based on a premise that should be uncontroversial, yet now bizarrely seems counterintuitive: The point is to abolish white supremacy, not to endlessly lament its existence while allowing it to perpetuate itself in all its brutality.

In a 1967 pamphlet called “White Blindspot” co-authored with Theodore Allen (who, following the agenda set by W.E.B. Du Bois, first coined the term “white-skin privilege” in his foundational work on whiteness), Ignatiev showed that fighting white supremacy meant seriously reckoning with its historical origins and the mechanisms of its contemporary reproduction. He wrote:

The ending of white supremacy is not solely a demand of the Negro people, separate from the class demands of the entire working class. It cannot be left to the Negro people to fight it alone, while the white workers “sympathize with their fight,” “support it,” “reject racist slanders” etc. but actually fight for their “own” demands.

The ideology of white chauvinism is bourgeois poison aimed primarily at the white workers, utilized as a weapon by the ruling class to subjugate black and white workers. It has its material base in the practice of white supremacy, which is a crime not merely against non-whites but against the entire proletariat. Therefore, its elimination certainly qualifies as one of the class demands of the entire working class. In fact, considering the role that this vile practice has historically played in holding back the struggle of the American working class, the fight against white supremacy becomes the central immediate task of the entire working class.

“A subset of Americans, mostly white, vehemently believes the country is being stolen from them by liberal elites and people of color. And their convictions make them uniquely susceptible to manipulation and misdirection.

single most unifying factor among the insurrectionists is living in a county in which the population of white people dramatically declined between 2010 and 2020. This decline has hastened the mainstreaming of a once-fringe notion that white people are at risk of being stripped of their rights. “It’s been around a long time, but what’s special now is that that theory is embraced in full-throated fashion by major political leaders and also by major media figures

the broader political context that helps to explain why the unthinking and self-centered masses pose an incredible threat to our democracy.

The right is actively working to install their chosen leaders into election posts in 2022 with the grand plan of undermining the election in 2024. Congress seems powerless to stop them. And the Supreme Court has been intentionally stacked to let them get away with it.