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The Intercept claims U.S. media favors Israel. But its âstudyâ relies on double standards, missing context, and anti-Israel bias.
by David Lange
Key Takeaways:
The Interceptâs claim that American media is biased against Palestinians collapses under scrutiny, relying on opaque methodology, selective framing, and glaring double standards.
The article argues that many of its examples merely reflect basic journalistic realities: Israel is a sovereign state responding to a terrorist attack, while Hamas is a genocidal terror organization that systematically embeds itself among civilians.
By stripping away legal, moral, and factual context â while promoting grotesque anti-Israel smears â The Intercept turns ideological activism into pseudo-scientific âmedia analysis.â
The Intercept has published a piece by Adam Johnson, who claims to have statistical findings that the American media is biased against Palestinians and systematically favors Israel.
Yes, you may want to read that sentence again.
After all, that would erase 25 years of HonestReporting, not to mention invalidating the past few years of witnessing virtually every major Western outlet amplify Hamas casualty figures, platform anti-Israel âactivistsâ and antisemites, obsess over Palestinian suffering, and scrutinize Israelâs every military move in microscopic detail while often stripping away the context of October 7 and Hamasâ strategy of embedding itself among civilians.
But Johnson claims the exact opposite in his new book, How to Sell a Genocide: The Mediaâs Complicity in the Destruction of Gaza, which he dutifully plugs in the piece. And while his so-called proof is presented with the aesthetic authority of data journalism, donât be fooled.
The Methodology to the Madness
Letâs start with the most fundamental problem of his findings: we have no idea how any of this was actually counted.
Johnson claims to have examined âover 12,000 articlesâ and â5,000 TV segments.â But how? What was his methodology? Did he count them himself, or have others assist? Did he use AI? And if so, did he check the accuracy of the results? Were the searches for keywords conducted with any controls for context, or did every mention of âIsraelâs right to defend itself,â for example, count equally, whether it appeared in a news report, an op-ed, or a quote from a foreign official? Curious minds want to know.
This isnât a peer-reviewed study, or even a white paper. It is an anti-Israel person supposedly counting things in ways they donât explain, to support a conclusion they announced before counting began. It is confirmation bias wrapped up in pseudo-science.
Apparently, International Law Is âBiasâ Now
Johnson presents as proof of bias how Israelâs âright to defend itselfâ was mentioned on CNN and MSNBC 94 times more than Palestineâs equivalent right. But consider the obvious alternative explanation: the âright to defend itselfâ framing was overwhelmingly deployed by the Israeli government, American officials, and Western leaders in their public statements â statements that journalists are obligated to report. Measuring how often journalists transmitted this phrase tells us about the rhetorical landscape of the conflict, not necessarily about journalistsâ own editorial biases.
Yet elsewhere in his piece, Johnson does claim to have filtered out quotes from officials and commentators (notably the âemotive wordsâ charts), but not here. This inconsistency is never explained, so one could assume he did not employ such filtering here.
ICE Agent Who Reportedly Shot Renee Good Was a Firearms Trainer, Per Testimony
Jonathan Ross told a federal court in December about his professional background, including âhundredsâ of encounters with drivers during enforcement actions, according to testimony obtained by WIRED.
Jonathan Ross, the Immigration and Customs Enforcement officer identified by multiple news outlets as the federal agent who shot 37-year-old Renee Good in Minneapolis on Wednesday, is a veteran deportation officer in ICEâs Enforcement and Removal Operations division, according to sworn testimony from the federal district court in Minnesota obtained by WIRED. A member of a Special Response Team, ICEâs version of a SWAT team, heâs had duties as a firearms trainer and led teams drawn from multiple federal agencies including the FBI, Ross testified.
The testimony stems from a December 2025 trial related to a June incident with parallels to the interaction that led to Goodâs killing.
In June, according to Rossâs testimony, he led a team seeking to apprehend a man named Roberto Carlos Muñoz-Guatemala, who was on an administrative warrant for being in the United States without authorization. Because the manâs home was across from a school and immigration agents had no authority to enter his home, Ross testified, they instead trailed him in unmarked vehicles.
Muñoz-Guatemalaâs attorney did not immediately reply to a request for comment.
According to the December testimony and a New York Times account of an FBI agentâs affidavit associated with the case, Ross approached Muñoz-Guatemala and asked him to roll down his window and open his door. Ross, who testified that he had been driving an unmarked vehicle, was dressed in ranger green and gray, and wore his badge on his belt, broke the driverâs side back window and reached into the vehicle, at which point Muñoz-Guatemala pulled away.
While being dragged at a speed he claimed seemed like â40 miles an hour at least, if not more,â Ross pulled out his Taser and fired it at the driver. Muñoz-Guatemala continued to drive and succeeded in shaking Ross from the car. At trial, Ross testified that he suffered injuries that required 33 stitches.
According to the affidavit, Muñoz-Guatemala called 911 to report that heâd been assaulted by ICE, which led to his arrest. Last month, he was convicted of assault on a federal officer with a dangerous weapon.
Reports from the Minnesota Star-Tribune, The Intercept, and The Guardian identified Ross as the shooter who killed Good, a mother and recent transplant to Minneapolis, during an immigration enforcement action in the city. Video of the incident appears to show a federal agent firing shots into Goodâs vehicle as she attempted to leave the scene. The officer did not appear to have been struck by the vehicle, and Good appeared to be turning the wheel to avoid contact, video analysis by The New York Times and The Washington Post shows.
At Thursdayâs White House press briefing, vice president JD Vance answered questions about the incident, and his responses included numerous identifying details about Ross, mainly relating to his interaction with Muñoz-Guatemala. âThat very ICE officer nearly had his life ended, dragged by a car, six months ago, 33 stitches in his leg,â said Vance, âso you think maybe he is a little bit sensitive about somebody ramming him with an automobile?â
Department of Homeland Security secretary Kirsti Noem has repeatedly described Goodâs actions as an intentional act of âdomestic terrorism.â An FBI investigation into Goodâs killing is ongoing.
DHS spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin told WIRED in a statement that the department is ânot going to expose the name of this officer. He acted according to his training.â McLaughlin added that federal immigration agents âare under constant threat from violent agitatorsâ because of âdoxxingâ and that the Minnesota Star Tribune, which first published Rossâ name, âshould delete their story immediately.â
According to Rossâ December testimony, he served in the Indiana National Guard and was deployed to Iraq from 2004 to 2005 as a machine gunner on a patrol truck, then joined Border Patrol in 2007 after finishing college, working near El Paso, Texas.
âI did normal Border Patrol duties,â Ross testified, âincluding line-watch operations, tracking, and I also was a field intelligence agent.â In that latter role, he testified, Ross âcompiled and analyzed information from raw information, creating an intelligence product and focusing more so on the cartels and drug smuggling and also alien smuggling.â
In 2015, according to his testimony, Ross joined ICE, working in the ERO division, where he was tasked with targeting âhigher-value targetsâ as a deportation officer in the Twin Cities area. A member of a joint anti-terrorism task force with the FBI, he testified that heâs a âteam leaderâ who, on a typical operation, oversees two FBI agents and an IRS or ATF agent.
âI develop the targets, create a target package, surveillance, and then develop a plan to execute the arrest warrant,â he testified. He also described what he termed âcollateralâ duties heâs carried out in addition to deportation work.
âI am a firearms instructor, an active shooter instructor,â he testified. âI'm also a field intelligence officer, and I am a member of the SWAT team, the St. Paul Special Response Team.â
In his testimony, Ross said that he had made hundreds of vehicle stops in his career and generally described people who attempt to flee. âThey do erratic behaviors,â he testified. âThey take great risks, and they seem to not be aware of other people driving on the road. They usuallyâthey make just extreme movements with their vehicles.â
In his testimony, Ross claimed that after he approached Muñoz-Guatemala, the man asked for his attorney.
In court, Eric Newmark, who was representing Muñoz-Guatemala, noted that even government lawyers hadnât previously heard this assertion. âI think he just made it up on the stand,â Newmark told the judge. âHe never said it before. I think he said it for a particular reasonââallegedly to show that Muñoz-Guatemala was aware that he was being apprehended by law enforcement and not attacked by a masked carjacker. A prosecutor in the case conceded that the claim was âgrounds for impeachmentâ against Ross because he âdid not previously say thatâas far I know.â
Under cross-examination by Newmark, Ross testified that people he encounters often âact like theyâre confused,â implying that they do know heâs a federal agent even if they appear not to.
âI believe it'sâit seems to be something that some ââpeople justâjust say toâto stall,â he testified. âI believe a lot of time people are on the phone and they're waiting for people to getâto show up, especially with our line of work.
âThey've got phone trees where they call and then protesters show up.â
Updated 8:30 am ET, January 9, 2026: Added citation to The Intercept, which identified Ross following the Minnesota Star-Tribune and first reported on a Facebook photo captioned âJon Ross in Iraq.â
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And thatâs how he wants to keep it, his executive orders and memos from Attorney General Pam Bondi show.
Through its executive actions and policy memos, the administration is also stating something that criminal justice and human rights advocates have long said: that conditions in many federal detention facilities are inhumane, and Trump wants to keep them that way.
In the January 20 executive order, Trump directed his attorney general to evaluate the conditions of confinement for the 37 people commuted from federal death row at the end of Bidenâs term and âtake all lawful and appropriate action to ensure that these offenders are imprisoned in conditions consistent with the monstrosity of their crimes and the threats they pose.â
The message is a direction to the federal government to use conditions of confinement as additional punishment â which is unconstitutional under the Eighth Amendment prohibition of cruel and unusual punishment, according to Miriam Gohara, a clinical professor of law at Yale University and a former federal public defender.
On top of that, it suggests that inhumane conditions in federal detention are the administrationâs goal.
âThe area that [Palestinians are] being directed to evacuate to is not safe. Itâs not safe because there arenât the services there to meet their basic needs, water, toilets, shelter,â [UNICEFâs Tess Ingram] said in an interview. âBut itâs also not safe because we know that that area has been subject to strikes despite being a so-called safe zone. So weâre really concerned about that impact of a ground offensive on one of the most densely populated areas in the world.â
Prior to the onset of Israelâs scorched-earth war on Gaza, Rafah was a city of approximately 250,000 people. As a result of Palestinians fleeing Israeli attacks, the population is currently estimated at 1.4 million.
âJeremy Scahill, from "600,000 Palestinian Kids in Rafah Canât âEvacuateâ Safely, UNICEF Official Says," in The Intercept