#parein

"Ronsin arrived in Paris from Vendée a few days prior. He had left Tours on June 6 to present his operation plan in person to the Committee of Public Safety. The Committee granted Ronsin an audience on June 14 and sent him back to Vendée to continue his mission. Ronsin left Paris around June 18. Therefore, the date of the marriage celebration must be placed between June 11, the date of the contract's signature, and June 18. The honeymoon of the two spouses was extremely brief, as it does not seem that Ronsin took his young wife to Vendée. His enemies, particularly Philippeaux, would have denounced the pomp and splendor that allegedly characterized citizen Ronsin's stay in Vendée with the vain "general minister," her husband. No document mentioning her presence in Vendée is known. The marriage contract stipulated that the future spouses "would share all movable and 'coquet' immovable property according to the Commune of Paris." Ronsin declared that his assets consisted only of "furniture, furnishings, clothes, linen, belongings, jewelry, ready cash, receivables, and other movable property, all amounting to fifteen thousand livres according to the valuation made between the parties." The future wife "declared that her assets consisted only of the following items: 1° the sum of ten thousand livres, at which she valued her still unliquidated rights in her mother's estate, whose assets were in the possession of Citizen Lequesne, her father. 2° in furniture, furnishings, clothes, linen, belongings, jewelry, ready cash, receivables, and other movable property, all amounting to the sum of seventy thousand livres according to the valuation made between the future wife and the future husband, who agreed to be charged with this sum of seventy thousand livres as a dowry for the future wife." In the event of the death of one spouse, "the survivor shall take, as a prior claim, and before the division of the community property, the sum of ten thousand livres in furniture of their choice or the said sum in ready cash, at their discretion." Finally, Ronsin declared that he paid a rent of one thousand livres for his lodging: "but having only occupied it for a short time, he had not yet been assessed for movable property tax, and previously, he only paid 400 livres in rent."

From the clauses of this contract, it can be deduced that Ronsin possessed no personal fortune, and that his future wife, while comfortably situated, did not have considerable resources.

Although everything indicates that Ronsin did not take his wife with him to Vendée (unlike his friend Momoro who did so with his wife Sophie), she nonetheless shared his ideas. She often attended and followed the debates of the Cordeliers Club, as did Marie-Françoise Hébert, Sophie Momoro, the wife of Ancard, Vincent's wife, and Albertine Marat, sister of Jean-Paul Marat. She approved of dechristianization, and this ideology followed her for a very long time in her life, even when she remarried Turreau, this is what was said about them. A.-J. de Rivaz dedicated an entire chapter to them in his Mémoires historiques sur le Valais. Turreau "commits the blunder of not publicly performing any act of the Roman religion"; his wife, Marie-Angélique, "has the audacity to speak of it with contempt," and she does not blush "to say that she had never been happier since she had shaken off the yoke of the Christian superstition in which she had been raised." She also supported her husband during some of his worst moments. In December 1793, when he and Vincent were arrested and imprisoned, notably on the proposal of Fabre and Philippeaux. Marie-Angélique Ronsin with Vincent's wife often visited him in prison and had lunch in their company. They were released under pressure from the Cordeliers. This episode is detailed here. This certainly did not help with any reconciliation with the CPS (Committee of Public Safety), especially since the CSG (Committee of General Security) pointed out that there was no evidence against them.

When he was later arrested a second time, early in the morning at his home at 27 Boulevard Montmartre, in the presence of his brother Jean-César, then director of military relays, and Marie-Angélique. As he accepted his arrest, Marie-Angélique told one of the aides-de-camp present, "Quick, mount your horse. Go tell Hanriot about my husband's arrest. He greatly contributed to his release (after his first arrest); he might still be able to help him." While she initially escaped immediate arrest, unlike the wives of Hébert and Momoro who were arrested hours after their husbands, she was arrested in the same apartment on 1st Germinal by "general security measure," and taken to the prison known as Les Anglaises on Rue des Fossés-Saint-Victor. A search of the home took place, and the Revolutionary Committee of the Mont-Blanc section declared that there was nothing suspicious at the Ronsin couple's home and no denunciation against his wife. She was reportedly very anxious during the three days leading up to her husband's execution. This anxiety only increased upon learning of the death of her husband, his companions, and the death of Hébert's wife. She also feared being accused of complicity and suffering the same fate, according to Herlaut again.

Strangely, while some press outlets had vilified Sophie Momoro and Marie-Françoise Hébert – “Although their lawful husbands had been held in the Conciergerie for two days, it is said that the ‘princesses’ were not found alone when the guards came to arrest them at night. It is perfectly understandable—two widows cannot be left alone in such circumstances; they need consolation” – or others mocked Sophie Momoro's physical appearance and her role as the Goddess of Reason, I found nothing concerning Ronsin's wife. Furthermore, the widows of Vincent and Ancard were spared this arrest, which sometimes shows the somewhat random nature of the arrests of revolutionaries' wives.

Likely out of prudence, Marie-Angélique Ronsin made no efforts to be released until 22 Thermidor (even when Sophie Momoro was released in Prairial Year II). From that date, she addressed a request for release to the Committee of General Security. She declared that she had "in no way shared her husband's errors" and that it was necessary for her to be free, "all the more necessary as, having no fortune, the work of her hands becomes indispensable to provide for her existence." She received no reply and made her request again on 27 Thermidor, asking for the reasons for her detention. Her prison stay seems to have been very difficult, judging by her request of 23 Fructidor in which she provided a certificate written by health officers working in prisons and detention centers, stating that she "had been suffering for six months from violent headaches, dizziness, a continuous noise in her right ear; towards recent times had an apoplectic attack in which blood came out of her ears very abundantly." They requested that she receive appropriate treatments such as baths, bloodletting, and mineral water, and that this be done immediately as it could be fatal for Marie-Angélique Ronsin. Nevertheless, there was no response to this request either. However, on 28 Vendémiaire Year III, when she requested "a copy of her prison register entry," the prison warden was ordered to give it to her. The Lequesne family decided to work for her release, more specifically, her sister Gabrielle, wife of Poitevin,made a new intervention to the Committee of General Security. There was no document anywhere against Marie-Angélique Ronsin, and according to her family, the reason for her arrest was "her husband's affair in which she was in no way involved," and they requested "to return to a father, a daughter, and to brothers, a sister who has been lamenting in prison for more than six months." Her release took place shortly after, and on 18 Brumaire Year III, the seals were lifted from her home. She then began to request from the Committee of General Security the recovery of her property, since, according to the terms of the marriage, she was a creditor in her husband's estate for the sum of ten thousand francs. In addition, her husband possessed a rather substantial library of dramatic works (which was not surprising given that her husband, before his revolutionary career, was connected to the artistic and literary milieu to the point of being friends with Jacques-Louis David); she requested to recover this property as well. The decree of 6 Germinal Year III ruled in her favor; she benefited from the restitution of furniture and other effects worth 5135 livres, and the library was valued at 2152 livres.

On 14 Floréal Year III, Marie-Angélique Ronsin declared, "I, the undersigned, acknowledge having received all the furniture and effects included in the inventories that were made at my home, for which I discharge," signing "Widow Ronsin." Some of the carriages found at the Ronsin couple's home and the horses were sold. Some for 788 livres paid on 5 Floréal to the receiver of the domain. Some national carriages were used for "the service of deputies and public officials on mission." The others were sold.

Following her release, Marie-Angélique Ronsin went to live on Rue des Deux-Portes. But she continued her revolutionary activities even after her husband's death, and she can be counted among the opponents of Thermidorian politics. According to Balthazar de Bonardi du Ménil, she frequented what he called "ultra-revolutionary clubs." It is possible that he was referring to the Electoral Club (many of whose members would be arrested or implicated due to the Prairial uprising), animated mainly by revolutionaries like Bodson, Varlet, Legray, and Babeuf, even though an arrest warrant was issued again against the main members of this club on 3 Brumaire, and its sessions only ceased on 22 Frimaire. It is also possible that du Ménil was referring to the Pantheon Club. In any case, the widow Ronsin subscribed to the Tribun du Peuple, continued to frequent her husband's former companions like General Rossignol, but also Parein du Mesnil, even when these two were involved in the Conspiracy of Equals (though acquitted), which suggests that Marie-Angélique Ronsin in some way approved of Babouvism. This was not surprising, as Ronsin was close to Rossignol and must have frequented Parein, whether in Vendée or Lyon (Parein being one of the main figures responsible for the repression in Lyon alongside people like Collot d'Herbois or Fouché, whereas Ronsin's role is still more complex to this day).

On 12 Pluviôse Year IV, she married General Louis-Marie Turreau, who was a friend of Ronsin. They had five children together: Emma, called Théodore, born August 8, 1796, and died August 21, 1872; Alexandrine-Cléophée, 1798, died June 24, 1879; Joseph-Alphonse, born July 25, 1799, died July 16, 1800; Edouard-Henri-Théodore, born July 4, 1802, died on an unknown date; and Auguste-Pierre, born July 24, 1806, and died January 3, 1870. The latter wrote to Charles-Philippe Ronsin on good terms, as you can see here: https://www.tumblr.com/nesiacha/766971097091538944/letter-from-turreau-to-ronsin-and-the-complex?source=share, but this did not prevent him, in order to save himself, from saying that Ronsin was responsible for a defeat in Vendée, whereas Turreau was the real culprit according to historian Jean-Clément Martin. After the execution of Gracchus Babeuf, Turreau became the adoptive father of his son Camille Babeuf. It is possible that, given Marie-Angélique Turreau was later described as generous to the unfortunate in America and due to her sympathy for Babeuf, she convinced her husband of this adoption. In a way, she can also be considered Camille's adoptive mother.

In Fructidor Year V, "Turreau, then unemployed, along with Parein, Rossignol, and others, joined Augereau". That evening, "Marie-Angélique, still frequenting the Jacobins and dressed as an Amazon, rode on horseback. She led a column of Jacobins from the Faubourg Saint-Antoine and, in the company of Parein and Rossignol, congratulated the Directory on its victory". General Turreau received a new assignment after this event. He reportedly had the support of his cousin, who was a deputy. According to Hérlaut, this cousin was married to a woman named Félicie Gautier. And she reportedly had an affair with Bonaparte, who commanded the army's artillery. When Bonaparte became commander-in-chief of the Army of Italy, despite Turreau not being re-elected as a deputy, he was appointed army storekeeper. Later, under the Empire, when she was in destitution, Berthier would inform Napoleon of her situation, providing financial aid. Thus, one of the reasons he would have helped Louis-Marie Turreau and his wife advance was due to his cousin. Nevertheless, there were other reasons. Indeed, apart from their cousin, the Turreau couple clearly rallied to Bonaparte's regime along with some fervent Jacobins (despite Napoleon loathing this political category, especially those on the left, though he could make exceptions) such as Drouet, Parein du Mesnil, etc.

Under the Consulate, Louis Marie-Turreau was sent "to Valais, at the head of the occupation troops with whom he achieved successes against the Coalitions, notably before Suze, which he brilliantly invested," according to historian Jean Clément Martin. It was in this context that the Kalbermatten affair reportedly emerged, which I found only from Rivaz, Michel Salamin, and Michel de Preux. Indeed, Louis-Marie Turreau's mission under the Consulate was to bring Valais closer to France, even to annex it. According to former State Chancellor René de Preux, in 1801, the general had established his headquarters in the Vallaz house and "His despotic methods, reminiscent of the time when he commanded the thirty infernal columns in Vendée, quickly became intolerable to the entire population, which years of misfortune had already plunged into deep misery. He plundered administrative coffers, sequestered tax revenues, arbitrarily dismissed public officials, arrested them, and proclaimed urbi et orbi the imminent annexation of Valais to France." To "protest against this project of annexation to France, dear to General Turreau, deputies from 74 communes of Upper and Lower Valais left for Bern in February 1802." This was presented "on behalf of the Valais deputation by the Vice Grand Bailiff, Pierre-Antoine de Preux, a member of the Supreme Tribunal." Among the deputation from the commune of Sion was Louis Grégoire de Kalbermatten, who was born "October 6, 1768, the son of Gabriel de Kalbermatten and Louise née Barberini. He served in the Courten regiment in France from 1788 to 1796. Knight of St. Louis, he married Marie-Antoinette Louise de Nucé, daughter of Gaspard Benjamin and Marie Barbe de Tornery, city councillor of Sion, in 1803. In 1814, he entered the service of Piedmont and had a brilliant career there. Elected mayor of the city of Sion in 1838, he died in that city on November 8, 1845" (according to René de Preux). Louis de Kalbermatten was a fervent defender of Valais's independence and opposed General Turreau's policy aimed at attaching the region to France. Following this, Turreau forcibly requisitioned Kalbermatten's house, a rather large three-story dwelling, to make it his headquarters, and this reportedly exacerbated tensions to the point where "He (Kalbermatten) protested vigorously, threatening to grab the General by the collar and set fire to his house." Turreau was able to carry out this action with the help of Bailiff Augustini, who was one of the heads of the Valaisan government. Marie-Angélique also played a significant role in this, according to historian Michel Salamin. Each time Louis de Kalbermatten tried to obtain an audience with the general, it was his wife who received him and reportedly put forward several reasons that seemed flimsy to justify preventing him from recovering his house, citing some of her husband's health issues. However, it seems clear that she supported her husband's actions on this point. She was staying with her husband, her children, and her servants, namely a chambermaid named Marie Guilmar, a cook named Catherine Vodelay, and a wet nurse named Jeanne-Marie Morisod. However, she played a rather important role on September 5, 1803. There had been an official banquet that afternoon, organized, among others, by Bailiff Augustini, to celebrate the anniversary of Valais's independence. Augustini had gathered a small number of guests for a banquet, including Marie-Angélique Turreau. Also present were "Joseph de Lavallaz, Jean-Joseph Duc (...), the Grand Dean Oggier, the Grand Vicar Pignat, the Vice-Chatelain Janvier de Riedmatten, Mayor François Joseph de Riedmatten, Commander Valet, and Adjutant Monthion."

Europe the greatest good, peace; upon France, her religion, her prosperity, her greater and more respectable homeland; upon Valais, her own and her dear independence! Long live the immortal, invincible, and benevolent Bonaparte, First Consul of the Italian Republic, mediator of the Swiss Republic, restorer of the independence of the Valaisan Republic!" Still according to Michel Salamin, following multiple toasts, "The main ones are addressed to the French, Italian, and Swiss commissioners, to General Turreau, to State Councillor Louis Lambertenghi, and to Senator Charles Müller-Friedberg. The general's wife receives her own, as do the French officers." Two hours later, the "Louis de Kalbermatten" affair would erupt. Indeed, while Marie-Angélique was absent, dining in an inn owned by a certain Jean-Joseph Bruttin in the presence of Captain Cudenne and his wife, two panes of glass from her third-floor bedroom window were broken by a stone, as well as one from an adjacent room (perhaps her children's). The wet nurse and the chambermaid took refuge at Mme Alphonse de Kalbermatten's house, while the cook went to alert Madame Turreau. Grand Bailiff Augustini interrogated Louis de Kalbermatten in front of her and several local dignitaries. Augustini asked him where he had been, forcing him to explain that he had been at Jean-Joseph Bruttin's until 7 PM, then at home, and denied going into his garden, but for Augustini, his guilt was established with meager, even non-existent, evidence. Louis de Kalbermatten was reportedly mistreated by several French officers, both verbally by Commander Valet and physically by aide-de-camp Maussaud, who allegedly held him by the collar. But the most violent reaction was reportedly from Captain Cudenne, who allegedly grabbed, shook, and roughed him up. Marie-Angélique Turreau was then among the women who prevented the officers from continuing their brutality against Kalbermatten and ensured he was safely escorted out, although he would be imprisoned for it. Preux would say that Marie-Angélique Turreau had a real fright, but Rivaz claimed that she reportedly said, "It's a bit much that they want to assassinate me on the anniversary of the independence generously given to liberal Valais by the Great Nation! They will talk about it in Paris, and this attack will cause a stir there." Preux would affirm that when the commission "confirmed, by taking this iron piece to the kitchen, that it was indeed part of the kitchen's fire-dog. General Turreau intervened at that moment, saying in a sharp tone: 'We are dwelling on small things and wasting precious time!' Upon this, she ordered the chambermaid to inform the servants to hitch the horses and prepare everything for departure, for she added: 'I am no longer safe here.' Mr. Duc, President of the commission, reassured her about her personal safety and offered her a sufficient guard. Mrs. Turreau calmed down a little and thanked him, assuring him that she had greatly appreciated the promptness with which the Grand Bailiff had attended to her security, and she declared: 'I will report this to Paris!' " She rejoined her husband in Paris in the last days of September. Despite an alibi and scant evidence, Kalbermatten remained in prison for months. He was acquitted, which was seen as a humiliation for the "pro-French" side.

Louis-Marie Turreau was appointed ambassador to the United States by Napoleon and arrived in the capital in 1804. His wife arrived in that country months later. He lived mainly in Baltimore and she in Washington. Unlike her husband, who had a bad reputation in Washington, it seemed to have been the opposite for her. Susan Wheeler Decatur, a well-known personality in society, daughter of a wealthy mayor of Norfolk, Virginia (whom some sources say Aaron Burr and Jérôme Bonaparte had proposed to, which she refused), and having chosen to marry Stephen Decatur, described Marie-Angélique in these terms in a letter to Dolley Payne Madison: "Washington is by this time illuminated by the presence of Made Turreau ". Decatur implied that, beyond outward appearances, Madame Turreau possessed “something that passeth show,” and praised her quiet generosity. During her stay, she is said to have provided significant material support to several French families in distress, thus demonstrating sincere benevolence and a concrete commitment to her compatriots. But Marie-Angélique then formed a much deeper friendship with Dolley Payne Madison, wife of James Madison, then Secretary of State of the United States. Dolley Madison met Marie-Angélique Turreau through Sally McKean, wife of the Spanish minister Carlos Fernando Martinez de Yrujo, when the latter introduced her to the wives of ministers or ambassadors. Indeed, Dolley Madison frequented high society and already played an active political role. Dolley Madison established herself as a central figure in Washington's social and political life. She skillfully bypassed Jefferson's prohibition on women's involvement in politics by cleverly blending hospitality and political connections. She surrounded herself with influential women such as Margaret Bayard Smith, Anna Maria Thornton, and Marcia Burns Van Ness. She earned the esteem of her contemporaries through her charm, vivacity, and affable manners. She introduced novelties at her receptions, such as card games, which made her evenings very popular. She played a key role in warmly welcoming foreign diplomats to a still undeveloped capital. She compensated for the reserve of Jefferson and her husband James Madison with her sociability. Her home became an essential place of informal power in Washington. Through her influence, she contributed to the evolution of women's place in the public sphere.

Marie-Angélique Turreau played an additional role in Dolley Madison's political journey, notably by teaching her French very intelligently and encouragingly, and by giving her advice on how to dress with "Parisian panache," among other things. Some of the skills she taught her would prove useful when Dolley Madison became the First Lady of the United States a few years later. The two women got along extremely well; Dolley Madison wrote to her sister how much she appreciated Marie-Angélique Turreau who, with her wicked sense of humor, made her laugh. James Madison's wife emphasized that the French "are very pleasant overall and add enormously to my comfort here." The friendship between the two women transcended language barriers, as Madison amusingly noted: "She speaks no English but we understand each other very well," and they shared several daily activities: walks, rides, informal visits, and long impromptu conversations. Madison also greatly appreciated her French manners, which could sometimes seem eccentric in the United States, such as dressing according to "French ideas." Marie-Angélique Turreau reportedly showed generosity, according to Madison, "shows me everything she possesses, and would even want to give me everything." Furthermore, Turreau's wife, in addition to frequenting American high society, was still very much interested in American politics, according to some letters. Nevertheless, this was also the beginning of troubles for her again. Everything indicates that long before America, the Turreau couple did not get along at all, hence the fact that he arrived first in the United States and she only joined him months later. Some claimed he did not want her to follow him there. In any case, they lived in constant quarrel. Unlike his wife, he was not truly appreciated in America (even if James Madison found him moderate and Jefferson maintained a professional relationship without political incident). He was physically described pejoratively as "bald head, red face, and mustache." It was said that he had "terrible" temper and was "morbidly depressed." The reputation he had acquired following the brutal repression in Vendée certainly did not help, but also, among other things, the mistreatment he inflicted on his wife and surely on others did not improve his reputation. One congressman called him a "savage," another man named William Plumer said of him, "This is disgraceful that such a man should be the representative of a nation." Another senator wrote, "I have never yet beheld a face so cruel and sanguinary as his." It is very clear in my opinion that it was not only his past repression in Vendée that caused his unpopularity. He did not hesitate to beat her in private and in public, and it quickly became public. He even went so far as to have her whipped in front of the servants and asked his secretary to play the flute to cover his wife's screams because of the neighbors. One day Marie-Angélique, either at her wits' end from the mistreatment she suffered or for fear for her life, once hit him in the head with a flatiron; he then struck her with a cane.

Their home became atrocious for Marie-Angélique, her servants, and her children, who also regularly screamed when their father attacked their mother. Turreau was also very unfaithful to his wife, and he insisted that prostitutes come to their home, which must have made the atmosphere there even worse. Despite the indignation of many at Marie-Angélique's treatment, few people helped her due to her husband's position. Dolley Madison hated Turreau for what he was doing to her friend but asked her sister not to repeat what she had said, as it would make the French appear as hateful as he, in her opinion. Furthermore, she overcame her disgust for him for essential diplomatic reasons in public. According to Hoadley and others, Turreau, then jealous of his wife, planned to forcibly send her back to France and thus separate her from their children. When he began to lock her up at home, he eventually decided to call a troop to force her repatriation. Marie-Angélique, understanding the plan, reportedly sent a message to Dolley Madison asking for help. Still according to Hoadley's version, one of Marie-Angélique's servants allegedly raised the alarm to help her while she screamed "murder," which caused a crowd to gather outside their home, and despite Turreau invoking his wife's madness, the crowd reportedly took her to safety. In another link on Jstore (although I don't remember the exact title of the text), the following excerpt stated: 

"The general declared in writing on October 29, 1806: 'I declare positively that after many refusals by Mrs. Turreau to go to France, in accordance with my orders as her husband and as plenipotentiary minister of His Imperial and Royal Majesty, my intention was to use force to make her go; that, therefore, after preparing her departure on a ship (in Annapolis), I gave her repeated orders to leave, when her screams, despite my efforts to calm her, attracted a crowd of citizens (Americans) around my house; and despite my public position as minister to France and the privileges that it entails, I went to the door of my house, where a magistrate among them told me that the people had gathered due to the noise they had heard from my house; to which I asked him to enter my house to see the interior and satisfy his fellow citizens.'" Magistrate Thornton declared to him: "In consequence of the invitation given above to the aforementioned magistrate (W. T.) as well as to Wm P. Gardner, last night around ten o'clock, we went to the house of the French minister and were led to an upstairs room where we found his wife with three French sailors or soldiers who were ready to take her by force. She tearfully declared that she sought the protection of the United States from such violence. The general turned to the sailors and said: 'Mark this, citizens; she is asking for the protection of the United States and thus renounces mine.' She said that the French government would not protect her now, but that she would seek protection from France later. We intervened in a friendly manner and asked if it would not be more appropriate, in the title of an officer of the Legion of Honor, to allow his wife to leave in peace, rather than subject her to the brutal insults of ordinary sailors who had been ordered to take her by force? It was also mentioned to her by W. T. that the crowd was waiting quietly to see if an attempt would be made to take her by force; for if that was attempted, they had said they were determined to free her. He said that the heartbreaking details of the separation are omitted, except to say that, on her knees, she pleaded to see her children one last time, and at his categorical refusal, he finally gave in, but only at the prayer of her foreign friends in his arms to 'take the infant.' She left the house, at the corner of Seven Buildings (Pennsylvania Avenue and 19th Street), with the magistrate and his associate."

Another version of the facts found here, according to Augustus Foster https://www.jstor.org/stable/1923081, is that Judge Thornton ordered the forced opening of the doors to finally stop the ill-treatment she was subjected to, believing that Marie-Angélique Turreau's protection outweighed the diplomatic privilege that Turreau was abusing. Furthermore, in a book dedicated to Dolley Madison, I found the following excerpt: "Eventually, the neighbors became indignant and threatening. At the height of the uproar, the eccentric Dr. Thornton arrived and stopped the beating. When Turreau fiercely told Thornton, 'Dr. Thornton, you do not know de law of de nation,' Thornton replied, 'But I know the laws of humanity, and I intend to enforce them.' " In any case, from late 1806 until March 1809, she lived in quarters in Georgetown without the financial support that Turreau had promised the judge so she could return to France. Nevertheless, she was able to recover her children, but they lived in poverty during this period. Marie-Angélique Turreau's situation caused a public incident because the Washington Federalist newspaper reported the entire story with the aim "that it be circulated throughout the Union" and that Madame Turreau was in destitution with her children. The Dolley Madison Digital Edition website says that the newspaper may have used this story to embarrass President Jefferson and his administration, as it was an opposition newspaper.

Dolley Madison wrote about this to Anna Maria Thornton on August 26, 1807, that she supposed Madame Thornton, before leaving Washington, had seen Marie-Angélique Turreau, that there would have been an address in her favor, hoping that this would force Turreau to finally give his wife and children the necessary financial support. Moreover, it seems that a Madame Forrest, wife of the official of the time, Richard Forrest, one of the eight clerks of the State Department (then a friend of Dolley Madison, William Thornton, among others), generally checked on Madame Turreau's condition. Dolley Madison herself was very worried about her friend. Louis Marie-Turreau knew the rumors that resulted from his conduct and "wrote to his friends in the French Foreign Office that he was almost mad with mortification and despair." according again to The Dolley Madison Digital Edition website, which did not prevent him from continuing to refuse to help Marie-Angélique and their children. Nevertheless, Napoleon Bonaparte did not act against him for these, and there was no trace of reprimand whatsoever for the public incidents caused by Turreau, which allowed a newspaper to potentially use instruments to discredit the Jefferson administration, nor the fact that because of this, he lost a support, which was his wife, who was very appreciated and loved by at least part of the political elite. In March 1809, the judge finally managed to raise funds for Marie-Angélique Turreau. However, she returned at the same date as her husband in 1811, and they began a formal divorce process. According to this link https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/03-01-02-033 Turreau had even taken steps with Joséphine de Beauharnais without success. He was made Baron of the Empire in 1811, and consequently, Marie-Angélique also became one. In 1813, they finally divorced, but according to the rembarre website, Louis-Marie Turreau had forcibly placed their daughter Alexandrine in a convent in Conches, but Marie-Angélique managed to remove her by summary judgment on September 22, 1814.

What is certain is that Marie-Angélique managed to obtain custody of her children. During the First Restoration, Turreau rallied to Louis XVIII and received the Order of Saint-Louis. He also accompanied the Duke of Angoulême to Vendée in 1816, then lived in Conches and died on December 10, 1816. Marie-Angélique Lequesne, widow Ronsin and divorced Turreau, experienced severe financial difficulties with her four children. She made requests for assistance to various Ministers of War. In 1819, she sent a letter to Gouvion Saint-Cyr (Minister of War), describing herself not as a divorcée but rather as "the widow of a general officer who died without fortune and leaving four minor children in my care, three boys and one girl; due to circumstances, she is reduced to living on the fourth floor, 139, Rue Montmartre, to serve herself and to perform all the domestic chores, especially at an advanced age (she was 52 at that time) and with her health deteriorating from a series of sorrows." On December 12, 1826, she was finally granted a pension of 1500 francs (whereas Turreau, during his lifetime, had a maximum pension of 6000 francs). After Turreau's death, certainly out of attachment to the United States, and surely to escape the "atmosphere" of the royalist regime, which likely had little goodwill for a woman who had been Widow Ronsin, she decided to return to that country and found a school, but did not succeed. "She only managed to return to France by incurring debts of honor abroad to secure her passage." In 1827, she reportedly made a request to the director of domains to have a prefectural decree of the Seine dated June 21, 1804, executed concerning the restitution of a succession profit from her first husband, explaining that by following her second husband Turreau to America, she was unable to make this request for execution at the time. But she was told that her property had been returned to her and there was no trace of the carriages, whose fate the administration was unaware of. As for the request for restitution of papers, she received the answer, after meticulous research, that the papers were of no interest at the time and had been destroyed. She died on February 15, 1828, in Paris, likely in destitution. Her eldest son, Théodore, became a Knight of the Legion of Honor in 1839, a retired captain, and died unmarried. Her daughter Alexandrine Cléophée lived a life of precarity. Here's what the newspaper Le Bien public said about her in 1878: "We draw the attention of the Minister of War to a great misfortune to be alleviated. It concerns the 78-year-old daughter of Republican General Louis-Marie Turreau, who lives in Nancy, in the Sainte-Anne district. Mademoiselle Turreau, one of our correspondents writes, has no resources; she has long lived in true distress. In 1876, a local newspaper, La Sentinelle, organized a subscription for her benefit, which yielded the meager sum of 225 francs, and that was all. Republican France, for whom General Turreau fought with such brilliance against the Vendée bands commanded by Charette and Larochejacquelin, owes it to itself to help the unique heiress of this glorious name, engraved on the Arc de Triomphe de l'Étoile, west side. When there is talk of voting a pension of ten thousand francs to the widow of Bonapartist General d'Aurelle de Paladines, would one hesitate to grant Mademoiselle Turreau an alimony that would prevent her from starving?" She died unmarried a year later after the article appeared, in a hospice. The third sibling, Édouard-Henri-Théodore, married in Mexico and seemed to remain there. He married twice and had several children, the most famous of whom was Eduardo Turreau de Linières, one of the founders of the Lancasterian Society, among other achievements. As for Auguste-Pierre, he was possibly a man of letters and secretary of the sub-prefecture of Bayonne. He may have remarried twice and had two daughters.

(My sources regarding the fate of Marie-Angélique's children are on this site, so it's not really reliable "ÉVREUX - CONCHES-EN-OUCHE (27) - LOUIS-MARIE TURREAU DE LINIÈRES DE GARAMBOUVILLE DANS LE DÉPARTEMENT DE L'EURE - La Maraîchine Normande)

Marie-Angélique Lequesne's Personality, Hypotheses, and Reflections: Marie-Angélique had a very left-leaning orientation and was an "ultra-revolutionary," at least until she rallied to Bonaparte. She often followed the sessions of the Cordeliers Club and supported her first husband during his lifetime, doing everything she could for him when he faced difficulties, such as sharing meals with him when he was imprisoned the first time, and when he was imprisoned the second time, instinctively asking influential people of their political persuasion for help to save him (like her request for help from Hanriot). If she posthumously denounced her first husband by speaking of his "errors," it was only a few months after his death, and she could potentially have been in danger (especially since, as mentioned earlier, the fate of spouses seemed entirely random). When she emerged from her dreadful prison stay, she continued her activism and actively fought Thermidorian politics while remaining in contact with her first husband's close associates and friends. It is possible that, like other revolutionaries, she feigned submission in letters while imprisoned to better emerge and continue her struggle.

She remained politically left-wing at that time. It is also possible that she married Turreau for security (as being the widow of a man not rehabilitated at the time, seen as an "extremist," could be difficult), as well as being impressed that he refused all amnesty when imprisoned to be rehabilitated in 1795. Therefore, she cannot truly be classified as a weathercock, as she was one of the active opponents of the Directory, even at the worst moments, although she later actively rallied to the Napoleonic regime, both in Valais and in the United States. But she was not the only left-wing figure to do this; François Réal did, as did Drouet (even if Drouet refused all promotions beyond sub-prefect). It is nevertheless strange that Marie-Angélique Lequesne did not express her most fervent opposition to Bonaparte's responsibility for the deaths of several of her comrades in arms, such as her Babouvist friends (notably her friend Rossignol, with whom she was always in contact; according to Bélanger, he was not even on the list of Jacobins to be deported, it was Bonaparte himself who added him, which led to his death). I would have liked to know more about her state of mind. Perhaps she had a reactionary turn, or perhaps not.

If she was indeed a cantinière for the French army in Belgium at some point, this, in addition to the Amazonian outfits she wore under the Directory, confirms that she was a woman of action. Furthermore, she always spoke with aides-de-camp, whether with her first or second husband, dined with military captains and their wives, not to mention her good relations with other generals. She could therefore have good relationships with certain army personalities. But she also presents a certain interesting paradox of personality. She married twice to men who at times had rather expeditious methods (especially Turreau); she often frequented Parein du Mesnil (at least during the French Revolution, whether before or after the Conspiracy of Equals), who was one of the main figures responsible for the repression in Lyon, and she knew it. Similarly, if Salamin, Preux, and Rivaz are telling the truth (although some passages make me think they demonized her), she bears some responsibility for the attempted political downfall of Kalbermatten and the imprisonment of an innocent man. On the other hand, she showed great generosity, whether to people who more or less shared her politics (like her possible involvement in her husband Turreau adopting Camille Babeuf after his father's death) or simply to other people, as Susan Wheeler Decatur states that Marie-Angélique helped several French families in distress in 1805. Her generosity thus extended even to people who would not advance her "personal career" or when they were in disgrace. She is also described by Dolley Madison as "kind, intelligent, generous, simple, and curious." In the opinion of Washington's political figures, she therefore fared very well.

Furthermore, she had a great sense of humor. Not to mention that it was she who prevented Kalbermatten from being mistreated, even though she considered him an enemy. I have a hypothesis to better understand her personality: I think that yes, she indeed possessed all the qualities mentioned above, that she was surely demonized to better destroy her first husband's reputation, first by people like Philippeaux, then by others when she surely married Turreau (like many women of the French Revolution), but that she also believed that when the homeland was in danger, the most extreme means should be used to save it, even if it meant employing Turreau's methods. Similarly, when a territory needs to be annexed, if she felt anti-French sentiment in opposition, she could use unfair methods. This was not out of sadism, but because she wanted the safeguarding of France and the revolutionary gains above all (even if at times this actually worsened the situation, as happened after the Infernal Columns). Nevertheless, she believed in the right to a trial, even for those she disliked, and was opposed to lynching her adversaries. She also possessed diplomatic qualities, as seen in America, where she was sincerely loved by the American elite( or at least by a lot of them).

She could be pragmatic, as when there was no other recourse, she asked the Bourbons for help once the Restoration was definitive and declared herself the widow of a man she had divorced, as she was living in limited circumstances with her four children (she must have returned to France with the means her friends gave her, and the divorce costs must have been significant, especially to obtain custody of her children), but at no point did she rally to that regime. She surely wanted to leave that regime later and try a new start in America, but alas, that did not work and plunged her even further into destitution. Her pragmatism and prudence were also displayed in 1794 when she was imprisoned by deliberately not taking steps to be released for the first few months. I believe that Marie-Angélique Lequesne, widow Ronsin and divorced from Turreau, is the perfect example of the tragedy of women victims of domestic violence in the 18th and 19th centuries (and even in the 21st century in some respects). The moment her second husband decided to make her life a hell, she was unfortunately "stuck" and had no recourse, even more so with the retrograde Napoleonic laws that made wives even more vulnerable to violent husbands. He benefited from great legal impunity for what he inflicted upon her, and she could do nothing but physically defend herself and protect her children. It was her American friends who helped her minimally (and even then, it took a long time), but neither foreign ministry employees nor Bonaparte, who was aware of it, helped her at a time when she could have died given the blows Turreau inflicted. I imagine the mistreatment must have started early, long before they arrived in the United States. Perhaps even at the beginning of their marriage. The moment she could finally have a legal escape to leave him and take the children with her, he made her and their children live in destitution while he lived more than comfortably. Even in death, he was a nuisance to her since he left her barely any money for herself and her four children. Turreau betrayed his friend Ronsin a first time by blaming him for a defeat for which he was actually responsible, at a time when Ronsin was truly under attack.He betrayed him a second time, this time posthumously, in a more atrocious and gratuitous manner by treating his wife horribly.

It is a pity that Marie-Angélique is a completely forgotten figure, even though she was active both during the French Revolution and under the Napoleonic period and had a very interesting, albeit tragic, destiny. But I think this also partly stemmed from the fact that she was an Hebertist. Robespierre is highly demonized in popular media and films in general, those even further to his left are either forgotten or made even "worse." Similarly, concerning the Napoleonic period, it must be emphasized that among the "Napoleonic ladies," she had one of the least acceptable political pasts: an Hebertist with Babouvist tendencies . If that's the case, it would be sexist because she wasn't the only one with this political past; other men had it and are a little more "understood." This political combination must not have pleased at all (again, I mean for popular media). But I also think of another reason. It was her marriage to Turreau that put her "out of the game." I have the impression that the horrific aspect of Turreau during the French Revolution is emphasized, but less so during the Napoleonic period (although I don't believe he managed to cause as much damage as in Vendée). It is as if they wanted to conceal as much as possible what Turreau did under Bonaparte and, consequently, Marie-Angélique. What is frustrating is that Turreau was never punished for what he did, had a good end of life in a way, but I have the impression that his wife and children (especially Alexandrine) paid for his bad reputation by not receiving help (or at least not much) where some families who worked for Napoleon were able to benefit from better aid. For my part, I think it was when he was alive that he should have been held accountable, not his children, who were just as much victims of their father.

Sources: Thomas Fleming Jstore Henry Adams Michel Salamin Auguste Philippe Herlaut Preux Rivaz Raymonde Monnier

For the post I write on Ronsin it’s here : https://www.tumblr.com/nesiacha/769225405243752448/the-life-of-charles-philippe-ronsin-from?source=share