wondered what would happen if uu!wemmbu met ls!zam but then remembered. wemmbu literally showed us that lmao
the real question is what would happen if ls!wemmbu met uu!zam
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wondered what would happen if uu!wemmbu met ls!zam but then remembered. wemmbu literally showed us that lmao
the real question is what would happen if ls!wemmbu met uu!zam

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uu and ls mutiny have turned into my ocs
uu mutiny is turning into some horror game where wemmbu tries to piece together why zam's acting more paranoid and jumpy around him meanwhile on zams side hes dealing with voices and hallucinations itd be like celeste but more panic attacks and less movement just trying to piece together things but it ends with zam killing wemmbu out of paranoia of betrayal and itd be funny if a mutiny still pops up since tge only one who made zam seem reasonable in the eyes of his guards and citizen was wemmbu his most trusted advisor and right hand man
ls mutiny is an anime called "A robot and its dream demon"
Several recent books offer a more complete, bottom-up picture of the role sailors and Black political actors played in making the Atlantic world.
The tsunamis of revolt and revolution in the second half of the eighteenth century were just that, because the seas were integral to the making and meaning of these convulsive events. The rebels in Jamaica and Saint-Domingue had made many journeys across the Atlantic and around the Caribbean. Their perspectives as to what was possible and how to struggle were informed by their fellow seafarers as well as by the masterless souls who manned the vessels of commerce and warfare and brought news—often embellished with their own interpretations—of political developments in London and Paris, along the Gold Coast and Bight of Benin, and in the ports of Barbados, St. Croix, Cuba, Demerara, and Berbice. And, as Niklas Frykman demonstrates in The Bloody Flag, the crews of the warships of Britain, France, and the Netherlands not only carried stories of multiple rebellions; they engaged in rebellion themselves and thereby expanded the dimensions of a revolutionary age.
The naval fleets of the eighteenth century may seem to pale in comparison to our own world of destroyers, aircraft carriers, and nuclear submarines, but the line-of-battle ships were easily the most powerful weapons of war during that time. They were also enormous sites of social hierarchy and labor exploitation. Building on the foundational studies of Marcus Rediker, Frykman reveals the many ways in which naval vessels were historical bridges between the plantation and the factory: in the hundreds of seamen (in some cases nearing a thousand) who labored in twenty-four-hour cycles; in the national, ethnic, and sometimes racial diversity to be found among them; in the brutal regimens and dangers of the work (a “barbaric industry”); in the surveillance to which the crews were subjected and the almost unlimited power of the ships’ officers; in the punishments that were meted out to those who defied the rules (chiefly flogging but also execution); in the form of resistance most common (running away); in the coercive practices (particularly impressment) that could be used to assemble an adequate crew; and in the demands for better and more equitable pay and treatment that could be raised. The term “strike” is of maritime origin. If nothing else, Frykman’s is a significant contribution to Atlantic labor history.
But much more is offered up. The distinction between a strike and a mutiny may be hazy and potentially shifting, as is true for all types of rebellion. Either form of protest could involve a few seamen or a great many, and could occur in a variety of circumstances and times. The 1790s, however, proved to be an especially turbulent era on the seas as it was on the land. There were, according to Frykman, more than 150 single-ship mutinies together with a half dozen fleet mutinies over the course of the decade; in 1797 alone, the British navy experienced mutinies on more than a hundred of the ships in its fleet involving an astonishing 40,000 men, likely the “largest, best organized, and most sustained working-class offensive in eighteenth century Britain.” Some, echoing the political aspirations of the age, proclaimed a “floating republic.”
In this video, spurred on by a question from a Facebook user, I examine the types of things that may lead to mutiny on board a pirate vessel, and why people might be on board with the idea!
Power struggle in Bolivia: State station occupied, police mutinies
Power struggle in Bolivia: State station occupied, police mutinies
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For weeks there have been protests in Bolivia against head of state Morales. Now apparently also police officers have changed to the camp of the demonstrators. Two state broadcasters were forced to interrupt their program.
The pressure on Bolivia's leader Evo Morales is growing: in several major cities, police reportedly joined the protests against him after the controversial presidential…
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Mutinies- Kurt Vile
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Right? Things are *just* calming down after the Battle of Dover, and then the Chinese show up and the navy is like, yeah, sorry, guess we’re taking your dragon after all.
And Temeraire just goes ballistic, because for months on end navy-officers have been threatening to drag Laurence away in chains, and saying he should have been shot rather than cause all this trouble, etc etc. He absolutely refuses to cooperate. Lily and Maximus would probably back him up, too.
Honestly I’m constantly looking for new reasons to make the Corps mutiny, haha
#LeMonde: "Understanding the mutinies in Ivory Coast "
#LeMonde: “Understanding the mutinies in Ivory Coast “
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Le Monde.fr with AFP and Reuters The 15.05.2017 at 18:33
Duration: 03:41 |
The mutinous movements that sporadically disturb Côte d'Ivoire since January continue, on Monday, May 15, in Bouake (center) and in the economic capital Abidjan, in particular, where mutinous soldiers Claim payment of unpaid premiums.
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