#irish.

April 16th 1746 saw the Battle of Culloden.

Much has been said about the site of the battle and the Prince has been criticised for “choosing” the moor.

Three sites were scouted in the 48 hours leading up to the battle, they knew Cumberland’s army was coming, their had been skirmishes in the week or so before this day, things were coming to a head.

The first site as at Dalcross Castle, which John Sullivan, the Irish adjutant and quartermaster general, rejected, because the distance across the ravine would have been too small to protect the Jacobite army from British musket fire from the other side.

The second was on the south side of the Nairn, chosen by Lord George Murray. This was poor ground, did not protect the road to Inverness and was vulnerable to British mortar fire from the other side of the river. It is clear that this site was a prelude to retreat and the dissolution of the army, because it was not an effective battle site.

The third site was about 1km east of where the battle was eventually fought, and John Sullivan drew up the army there on 15 April. It was on higher and less boggy ground than the final battlefield, and both wings of the army could see each other, which they could not in the next day’s sleet and rain. No one ‘chose’ the site of the battle on Drummossie Moor as a preference: it was the line closest to headquarters at Culloden House which could defend the road to Inverness.

Many of those soldiers who were asleep after the failed night attack on the 15th had retreated to the grounds of Culloden House, and there was little time to form them up as the British Army approached on the morning of the battle.

Some had urged the Prince to fall back into the hills and glens, split into units and launch a guerrilla campaign,  historians can’t agree who ruled this out, some say Lord Murray, others Prince Charles, some a mixture of the two, no matter what it never happened, as we all know.

The battle began around before mid-day, the 9,000 well-rested Government troops advanced downwind across the Moor towards their exhausted opponents who faced directly into the north-east wind and its accompanying sleet. The Prince’s forces numbered about 6,000 and were in two lines. The left flank of the front line was held by the three regiments of MacDonalds, highly resentful that they were not in their traditional place of honour on the right, held by the Atholl Brigade.

In the centre were some of the best of the Jacobite infantry, veterans of the victories at Prestonpans and Falkirk: Lord Lovat’s Frasers, the MacLeans, Mackintoshes, McLachlans and Chisholms.  Weak in artillery, the Jacobite frontline could see Cumberland’s gunners unlimbering and loading their batteries of cannon. Receiving no order to unleash the fearsome Highland charge, by far their best weapon, they must have known what was coming.

And come it did; Cumberland opened fire with roundshot across the unobstructed moorland. Behind his artillery, the Duke’s own front line consisted of six regular infantry battalions; the Royal Regiment on the right, opposite the MacDonalds, with Barrell’s Regiment on the left, facing the Athollmen. The second line contained six more infantry battalions, with yet three more in a third line alongside two squadrons of light cavalry. Out on his flanks were the feared heavy Dragoons: Cobham’s on the right, Kerr’s on the left. All was ready for the Jacobite charge.

Cumberland’s infantry had been given intensive training on how to deal with the onrushing Highlander, claymore in right hand, targe on his left. Having fired his Brown Bess musket, each man was to use his socketed bayonet to attack the opponent on his right front, trusting that his own comrade to his immediate left would do the same.

This was designed to avoid the parrying effect of the targe and inflict a disabling wound in the first shock of contact.

For a full half-hour the Government artillery thundered on unchallenged, roundshot and then grapeshot hammering into the Prince’s waiting battalions. Still no order to charge came as scores of men went down, thinning the ranks and producing frantic calls from officers and men to be released to the charge. Eventually they went off anyway.

The MacDonalds crashed in to Barrell’s Regiment, overrunning the front line before losing momentum and being shot and bayoneted by the upcoming second rank. Elsewhere the charge was even less successful; depleted by cannon fire and decimated by the rolling volleys of the infantry, Highland courage and dash proved no match for regular infantry discipline. The charge reeled backwards leaving up to a thousand dead in front of and among the Government positions.

Cumberland ordered a general advance and unleashed his cavalry. What had been a battle was now a rout. It had lasted an hour.

Jacobite casualties are estimated at 1,500 dead, with an unknown number of wounded and fugitives bayoneted and shot in the merciless pursuit that followed.Cumberland lost only 59 dead and 250 wounded, the only senior officer to die being Lord Robert Kerr, commander of grenadiers in Barrell’s Regiment and a son of the Marquess of Lothian.

It was over; the military neutralisation of the Highlands was about to begin. The ease in which the Government troops surprised Cumberland, and he surprised further when the Jacobites did not regroup and force another battle, he certainly expected another, but none came, around 1000 gathered the following day at Ruthven ­Barracks, where a written order from Prince Charles told them to “seek their own safety” and disband.  But, for many, surrendering was too dangerous an option.

As time went on, the risks of Jacobites handing themselves in became clear. The mood of the Ruthven meetings was downcast. Many fought on to avoid capture or because the risk of surrendering was high. In June, a number of Jacobites went into Fort William after the British government ­promised six weeks’ immunity. Captain Scott drowned them in a salmon net.

Jacobites engaged in low-level disruption, raiding and ­protection of vulnerable tenantry as well as recruitment to the Irish Brigade and probably Scottish regiments in French service, including Ecossais Royales.

Assassinations of unpopular ­government officers or sympathisers were also recorded. The British government still considered the Jacobite threat to be “major” at this time with around 12,000 to 13,000 soldiers deployed across the entire country – from Berwick and Stranraer to Elgin, Forres, Stonehaven, Inverbervie and Montrose – by the end of August 1746.

As government forces mobilised, significant units of armed Jacobites continued to appear in the field. At the end of April, 120 armed MacGregor men were recorded in Balqhuidder after marching home ‘colours flying and pipes playing’ with the Army unwilling to tackle or pursue Jacobite units that maintained discipline.

One battalion of Lochiel’s ­regiment was still operational in May – as were 500 men under ­Clanranald. Orkney remained under Jacobite control until late that month and, despite British attacks, four local Jacobite lairds remained successfully hidden

Clans made concerted attempts to resist Cumberland and his men with around a dozen chiefs meeting at Mortlaig in early May. At the meeting… they entered into a bond for their mutual defence and agreed never to lay down their arms, or make a general peace without the consent of the whole,” according to an 1832 account by James Browne.

“By the bond of association, the chiefs agreed…to raise on behalf of the prince and in defence of their country, as many able-bodied armed men as they could on their respective properties.”

Around 600 men gathered later that month across the north and west but the clans “ultimately did not have the time or morale to raise or retain enough men in the field.

Although a unified response failed to materialise, Jacobites remained active across Scotland. Jacobite expresses – the non-stop delivery of letters by horse – continued until August. A British regiment was deployed across Banffshire in the summer of 1746 with insurgents reported in Argyll that September.

Arms were surrendered in the Mearns right into the summer of 1748. British atrocities were carried out against innocent ­victims, but there were plenty of continuing Jacobite threats and remained so for some time, this led to the building of roads and bridges, to make it easier for troops to be deployed into the heart of the country, many still used to this day, these projects and the act of proscription meant the end of the old Highland way of life.

Flag of the Islamic Irish.

January 3rd the year 671 saw the birth in Ireland of Saint Maelrubha, a monk who founded a monastery at what is now Applecross.

On his father's side Maelrubha was eighth in descent from the famous Niall of the Nine Hostages, King of Ireland, and through his mother he belonged to the kindred of St Congal of Bangor. He was born on 3rd January 642 AD, probably in the south-east part of what is now Londonderry.

After residing for some time in the monastery at Bangor, he embarked for Scotland in 671 AD. His early missionary enterprises were concentrated in districts now included in Argyll, planting churches at Kilarrow in Islay, and on the mainland at Killarow in the modern Killean and Kilchenzie parish; Kilmory, now Strathlachlan parish; and Kilmorrie near Dunstaffnage Castle.

In 673AD St Maelrubha arrived at Apercrossan, now Applecross, in Ross-shire, and made it the nucleus of his Christian missionary work throughout that part of the west coast and eastwards as far as the shores of the North Sea. He continued to be the abb of the muinntir for an incredible fifty-one years and died on 21st April 722AD. The privileged ground around the monastery, its garth or sanctuary, extended six miles in all directions and came to be known in the Gaelic as A'Chomraich, i.e. the sanctuary, a name still applied in the Highlands to the present parish of Applecross.

Not surprisingly, Maelrubha was considered to be, "the patron of all the coast, from Applecross to Loch Broom." Traditions in the Black Isle tell us that St Maelrubha was martyred in the parish of Urquhart and that his body was carried back to Applecross for interment.

According to another tradition, he was killed by Scandinavian pirates in Strathnaver in Sutherland, and was buried at a spot close to the river Naver, about nine miles from its mouth. It is said that the spot was marked by a rough stone bearing an incised cross.

You have to make your choices in these matters but personally, I favour the Strathnaver version of the story. The churches of Forres in Moray and Fordyce in Banffshire were dedicated to St Laurence and St Talarican respectively but, since there was, in each of these parishes, a fair - known as Samareve's in the former,and New Summaruff's in the latter - the reader might conclude that there must have been some dedication to St Maelrubha in both parishes. There was also a Samarive's Fair in the parish of Keith, whose church was under the invocation of Maelrubha, giving the township its ancient name of 'Kethmalruf'. These are possible exaamples of old "Celtic dedications" being supplanted with new dedications which were more acceptable to the medieval Church as it became more Roman in its outlook.

The community at Applecross played a major rôle in the advent of Christianity in the north and north-west of Scotland. It acted, in those parts, in the same way that Iona did in Dalriada and the western isles. It is not surprising to find that its influence spread as far as the north east.

31st of August is the Feast day of St Aidan.

Not much is known about Aidan’s early life, it is thought he was bot n in Connach Ireland. 

St. Aidan began his life of service on the Isle of Iona, the monastery at Iona was established by Irish monks under St. Columba, during the so-called “dark ages.” About a century later, in St. Aidan’s time, the monastery had become a major center of Gaelic Christianity and was receiving and sending monks across Europe.

By this time, Christianity in Northern England was largely replaced by the paganism of both native Britons and the Anglo-Saxon conquerors. The Kingdom of Northumbria (northern England and south-east Scotland) had just been reconquered by King St. Oswald of Northumbria.  There was no Scotland or England as such back then, and no real borders Oswald brought the two Northumbrian kingdoms of Bernicia and Deira once again under a single ruler, and promoted the spread of Christianity,the North of  Bernica  are now part of the South of Scotland.

Oswald took back his father’s throne at the Battle of Heavenfield, where he prepared by praying before a wooden cross, legend says it was a relic of the True Cross. Next, Oswald beheld a vision of St. Columba who promised victory if his generals would be baptized. At council, all agreed to be baptized the night before and victory came to Oswald.

Oswald’s Northumbrian kingdom was small but remarkably diverse. Such was it you could hear at least four languages within the kingdom’s borders and there was a mix of church ruins and pagan sites dotting the landscape. While Christianity was initially brought to Britain by Roman saints, and strengthened by Sts. Gregory and Augustine of Canterbury, it had fallen away from the Britons with the Anglo-Saxon invasions.

When Oswald was killed in battle in 642, Aidan worked equally well with Oswin, king of Deira. Aidan preached widely throughout Northumbria, travelling on foot, so that he could readily talk to everyone he met. When Oswin gave him a horse for use in difficult terrain, Aidan  gave it to a beggar soliciting alms. Oswin was angry until, as Bede recounts, Aidan asked if the son of a mare was more precious to the king than a son of God. Oswin sought Aidan's pardon, and promised never again to question or regret any of his wealth being given away to children of God. Both Oswald and Oswin are venerated in England as saints and martyrs.

Scores of Scottish and Irish monks assisted Aidan in his missionary work, building churches and spreading Celtic Christian influence to a degree that Lindisfarne became the virtual capital of Christian England. The saint also recruited classes of Anglo-Saxon youths to be educated at Lindisfarne. Among them was Saint Eata, abbot of Melrose and later of Lindisfarne. In time, Eata's pupil, Saint Cuthbert, also became bishop of Lindisfarne.

Aidan lived a frugal life, and encouraged the laity to fast and study the scriptures. He himself fasted on Wednesdays and Fridays, and seldom ate at the royal table. When a feast was set before him he would give the food away to the hungry. The presents he received were given to the poor or used to buy the freedom of slaves, some of whom entered the priesthood. During Lent Aidan would retire to the small island of Farne for prayer and penance. While there in 651, he saw smoke rising from Bamburgh, which was then under attack by the pagan King Penda of Mercia. He prayed for the wind to change, and many of the besiegers were destroyed by fire.

When Oswin was killed in 651 by his treacherous cousin Oswy, king of Bernicia, Aidan was grief-stricken. The saint outlived Oswin by a mere twelve days, dying in a shelter he had erected against the wall of his church in Bamburgh.

On October 26th 1327 Elizabeth de Burgh, Queen Consort of Robert the Bruce died at Cullen Castle, Banffshire.

Note sources disagree and some say October 27th.

In 1302 Elizabeth de Burgh married Robert Bruce, Earl of Carrick, at Writtle, near Chelmsford in Essex. Bruce was a widower with a young daughter. He had first married Isabella of Mar who died, in 1296, a short time after giving birth to a daughter, Marjory Bruce. Elizabeth’s father was one of the most powerful Irish nobles of the period, Richard Óg de Burgh, 2nd Earl of Ulster.

When The Bruce first stood up to English rule he was beset by defeat and he sent Elisabeth, Marjory, his sisters Christina and Mary Bruce, and Countess Isobel to Kildrummy Castle in the north, where his brother Neil was to protect them. Unfortunately the castle was laid to siege, the Royal women escaped but were captured not long after at the sanctuary of St Duthac at Tain in Easter Ross where William II, Earl of Ross violate the sanctity, later handing them over to the English. He seems to have been forgiven by The Bruce for this as his name appears on The Declaration of Arbroath in 1320, perhaps showing a merciful nature to King Robert.

Isobel was held captive in an iron cage at Berwick Castle. Robert’s younger sister, Mary Bruce, was locked into an iron cage at Roxburgh Castle. She was just 24 years old. Mary spent the next four years caged and humiliated. Her older sister Christian Bruce was shown more compassion and was imprisoned in a Gilbertine nunnery in Lincolnshire. Christian’s husband, Sir Christopher Seton, was hanged, drawn and beheaded at Dumfries.

Elizabeth was held prisoner in England. It is thought that she was better treated because her father Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, was a close friend of King Edward I. Elizabeth spent the next eight years in captivity in Burstwick, Bisham Manor, Windsor Castle, Shaftesbury Abbey, Barking Abbey and Rochester Castle.

Marjory Bruce, Robert’s daughter, was only 12 years old when she was captured at Tain. At first King Edward decided that she would be locked into an iron cage and hung for all to see from the walls of the Tower of London. Edward relented and Marjory was held in a Gilbertine nunnery in Yorkshire.

After the Battle of Bannockburn the Bruce was able to trade English nobles for his family. Mary Bruce went on to be twice married and had a son, Iain. Christian Bruce married Sir Andrew Murray who later became guardian of Scotland. Christian later led the defence of the besieged Kildrummy Castle at 62 years old and lived to 84.

Elizabeth de Burgh and Robert the Bruce were reunited and went on to have four children - Matilda, Margaret, John and David, who would become David II, King of Scots.  was buried in Dunfermline Abbey.

Elizabeth died aged approximately 43 years old, on 26/27th October 1327, after falling from her horse during a visit to the royal residence at Cullen, Banffshire, she was buried in Dunfermline Abbey.

October 27th 1736 saw the birth of James MacPherson in the parish of Kingussie, Badenoch, Inverness-shire.

Seumas MacMhuirich/ Seumas Mac a’ Phearsain, in Gaelic or James Macpherson is mostly well-known for his translation of the epic Ossian poems of his native land but was also an accomplished poet in his own right and a leading political figure of the time. Born into a reasonably wealthy family, Macpherson traveled to Aberdeen in his teens where he studied at King’s College with a short sabbatical in Edinburgh.

Whilst at university he began writing verses and published his first work The Highlander in 1758, though for some reason he tried to withdraw it afterwards. He was attracted back to his home town of Ruthven in Inverness-shire and returned there to become a teacher after finishing his studies.

With MacPherson though it was, and is all about  The Works of Ossian, Fingal and Temora.

When it was first published Macpherson said that it was a translation of an ancient manuscript in Scottish Gaelic which had come into his possession, and which was a copy of an original work written by Ossian. This was contested by various people, including notably Samuel Johnson, who said that it was entirely the work of Macpherson himself. The Irish scholar Charles O'Conor published an extensive refutation of the historical accuracy of the work as an Appendix to his History of Ireland. Both sides became passionate, but bitter and abusive in expressing their own view, and the controversy rumbled on over the next fifty years. I like to imagine it being like a twitter war nowadays. 

Anyway the alleged manuscript never appeared, but later researches have shown that the work is based partly on genuine Highland traditions.

Those familiar with the later, more authentic, versions in English of ancient Gaelic literature will recognise many of the names and stories - Fingal is Fionn Mac Cumhaill; Temora is Tara (Temro in Old Irish); Cuthulinn is Cú Chulainn (though a much feebler figure than the Irish hero), Dar-Thula is Deirdre of the Sorrows; Ros-cranna is Gráinne and Dermid is Diarmuid Ó Duibhne, though the Pursuit of Diarmuid and Gráinne is not one of Macpherson's stories. And so on. However, much of the work is Macpherson's own invention -- the tragic love story of Fingal and Agandecca, for example; and though "Temora" has some similarity to the Battles of Ventry and of Gabhra, the details are different. The footnotes (by Macpherson) are said to be almost entirely misleading or downright wrong.