Di Mambro had founded the Golden Way Foundation in Geneva on July 12, 1978, and this foundation would be the heart of his organization for several years to come. The officially stated aims of the Golden Way contained the main idea of a “world in transition” as well as the theme of chivalry (Mayer 1996:4).
Di Mambro was still looking for the charismatic leader that would help expand his organization. In the early 80’s, Di Mambro was introduced to Jouret by one of the victims of October 4th (Mayer 1996:4). Di Mambro then arranged for Jouret to meet Julian Origas, a supposed former Gestapo agent who had founded the Renewed Order of the Temple (ORT), a group that combined Templar and Rosicrucian ideas. In 1981, Jouret became a member of ORT, and at the time of Origas’s death in 1983, became Grand Master. Within a year, however, he was forced out of the group, taking half of the members with him (Hall 1997:291-292). Jouret, already involved with Di Mambro’s groups since 1982, was then able to fill Di Mambro’s need for a charismatic leader; not only did he have charisma, but he was also a physician, and as such would be taken more seriously. Together the two of them founded the Order of the Solar Temple in 1984, with Di Mambro taking the backstage role and allowing Jouret to put on the show.
This plan was successful to a degree; Jouret would draw hundreds to his lectures and also spoke on the radio. As of 1983, he gave lectures in Switzerland, France and Canada. In 1984, perhaps based partly on the Ergonia workshops started in France by Jacques Breyer, the idea of creating clubs to feed into the group and spread its ideology while leading to more concrete action was solidified (Mayer 1996:5). From 1984 to 1990 the group consisted of three different areas. The first, the external activity, consisted of lectures and seminars given by Jouret and others under the heading of Amanta. Those prepared to go further could join an exoteric structure, the Archedia Clubs. The final level was an initiatory order, called the International Chivalric Organization of the Solar Tradition (Mayer 1996:5).
In the early 90’s, some members began distancing themselves from the group, both in terms of attendance as well as financially. Donors began asking for reimbursements. People began to question many facets of the group, including Di Mambro’s own son, Elie. Di Mambro had claimed to be only a representative of the “Masters” in Zurich. Elie himself began to doubt the existence of these “Masters” and had discovered the practice of fakery in his father’s production of the illusion of spiritual phenomena during the ceremonies (Mayer 1996:9). He spoke openly about this, leading to the departure of at least fifteen members.
Di Mambro’s world was crumbling down around him. His loyal members were beginning to question the practices of the group and he and Jouret were not in complete agreement at all times. Di Mambro and Jouret began preparing their group for a “transit” to another world. The beliefs of the group had always taken on a slightly apocalyptic tone (see Beliefs) but now, the combination of the original apocalyptic tone and Di Mambro’s fears became deadly.
In the town of Chiery, Switzerland, the night of October 4 to October 5, 1994, residents became aware of a fire on the edge of town. In another town, Granges-sur-Salvan, another fire was burning. By dawn, 53 people were dead in Switzerland and Quebec, where the group had expanded to, the result of a mass suicide with a hint of murder. In December of 1995, another sixteen followed suit. Investigations ensued, with historian Jean-Francois Mayer assisting the Swiss police. Media coverage ran rampant, with many theories appearing as to why this had occurred. Inevitable comparisons to Waco and Jonestown were brought up, but after further research took place, slowly the story began to settle and become a bit clearer. Finally, in March of 1997, five more people died in Quebec, leaving behind three teenagers who refused to participate, but who were able to partially explain how it happened. They were able to attest to the victims’ willingness. Their final message to the media makes it appear that they felt that they were the last ones ready to take that final step (Mayer 1998:7-8).
