#conventionofstates

Tim Meisburger ~ Democracy Specialist - Designed/Monitored Elections Abroad - Now Focusing on USAI had the chance to interview Democracy Specialist Tim Meisburger, who worked in the Trump Administration. While he spent most of his career 'propping-up' Democracy overseas, he returned to join the Trump Administration in 2016. Some of his positions include: Unfund the U.N. ... Eliminate the the law enforcement power of the FBI. Push FBI back to the states because they proved they cannot work. Through a Convention of States Tim proposes Constitutional amendments for election integrity, term limits and a balanced budget! The Jan 6th event was the largest pro-democracy event in history. Dems and Pelosi did not want the public to focus on the nation's largest election protest. Regarding 'election interference', Tim emphasizes that the last three national elections were seriously compromised with Democrat Party-managed election interference. Tim states with 30 years of experience and with certainty, he claims that the last 3 national elections were compromised. While he prepares for Donald Trump's reelection, Tim gives me great insight on how a new Trump Administration will restore a legitimate democratic government. He helped establish successful Democratic Republics overseas. He says that our benevolence in foreign aid has morphed into a perverse purpose. For example, these funds actually pay for the illegal immigrants entering this nation. He was shocked when he returned to the USA. "The incompetence of American diplomats is overwhelming. We are no longer a government of the People. We are a government ruled by a select chosen few in the elite class." He claims that not a single government worker was laid off during COVID, "yet they were setting policy for everyone else". He wishes he was here protecting the mechanics of our representative democracy. He defines and explains a 'Democracy' and a 'Constitutional Republic'. Tim must now take 30 years of overseas election operations experience, and repair this nation. Let's hope Tim returns in the next Trump Administration! Click the Image Above ☝️ to Watch the Video Now~ OR ~Click the Podcast Player Play Button Below to Listen Now Tim Meisburger~Democracy Specialist - Designed/Monitored Elections Abroad - Now Focusing on USAOriginally Recorded on March 26, 2024Season 2, Episode 242- Learn More at: GeneValentino.com- Image(s) Courtesy of: Gene ValentinoA Special Message from Gene ValentinoGene & Maureen ValentinoABOUT: GrassRoots TruthCast, created by former Escambia County, Florida Commissioner Gene Valentino, broadcasts weekly from Pensacola, Florida. Gene, an investment entrepreneur and avid aviator, is a founding member of VeriJet charter aviation and serves on the company's Board of Directors. When he's not in studio, Gene can usually be found in the skies over the Gulf of Mexico, piloting his ICON A5.Doing “the right thing” is not always easy. It’s not always thought to be wise, most profitable, or popular. Doing the right thing has more to do with “COURAGE”; forged from the principles and beliefs given to you by your parents. There’s an ole’ saying I’ve adopted, “The Politician will tell you what you want to hear. The Leader will tell you what you need to know.” And, telling you what you need to know may not be popular”. So, my Accomplishments here do not show you things I’ve walked away from. As a result, I left A LOT of money on the table. However, God is good! He rewarded me with more wealth than I can speak of with a conscience that is pure and clear. I sleep well at night. I wish for you the same!”Learn more about Gene Valentino by clicking here now. 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As low as 25 a pair, and for a limited time, when you order 75 or more, your entire order ships absolutely free!Hi folks, Gene Valentino, and welcome to another episode of Gene Valentino's Grassroots Truthcast. As you've heard me say in the past, we've had guests from different walks of life, political, social, economic, financial, banking, agricultural, environmental.You pick the area, the industry, the topic, we've had them on. If you know someone interesting you'd like to have on as well, please reach out. Turn them our way through www. genevalentino. com. Oh, by the way, while you're there, please subscribe. You'll be receiving a few of these episodes per week, and we keep you up to date on the happenings in the Gene Valentino Grassroots Truthcast Circle of Friends and Family.My guest this week is a Mr. Tim Meisberger. He is a Democratic Development Specialist. Tim comes to me through the Council for National Policy, which Tim and I had the chance to attend. He was also a speaker. He refers to himself more succinctly as a democracy specialist. And I think I'm going to let Tim explain the rest of his bio to you.Welcome aboard, Tim. Hi, Gene. Thanks. Happy to be here. So, yeah, I know it's confusing. It's almost like a Like a PhD, where they say, you know, more and more about less and less until, you know, everything about nothing. And that, that's kind of how I am. I'm, but Oh no, Oh no. You're not a government bureaucrat.Are you? No, no. When you think about foreign aid. And development work assistance overseas. I do that sort of work. Early on in my career, I did quite a bit of different types of that, including humanitarian relief in places like the genocide in Rwanda But I specialized relatively early on on what we call democratic development, and essentially you've seen election monitors overseas where people show their purple finger that they voted and things like that.And I worked on programs like that, so I developed them, designed them and I evaluated elections overseas and managed those sorts of programs. And I did that for 30 years overseas. I wasn't really involved in, in a lot of what you hear in the color revolutions, because that was really in Eastern Europe, and I was mostly in Asia and Africa, where we're actually cared more about actual democracy, but I was involved for 30 years overseas and then in around, 2015 2016, I decided to come back to the United States. We had a presidential candidate at that time that spoke to me in a particular way. And I came back to the United States and worked here for a little while and then went to work for the Trump administration as the director of the Center for Democracy, Rights, and Governance at the U.- Agency for International Development. So, I was a senior political appointee there. And of course, we met in California where I was talking about reform of foreign assistance in, in general policy and what we might see in the next administration, the next conservative administration. So when you were with the Trump administration, was he what were you providing him in terms of advice or insight?Well, I wasn't providing him directly with advice. Anyway, I was a little bit lower than that, like two levels below the cabinet. But what we were trying to do was to to support the administration by reforming foreign assistance, how it was done to be able to do it in a more rational way. And what we found, and what you've probably heard of, is that Is that the bureaucracy, the internal bureaucracy, the deep state or the administrative state is the way we refer to it, fought us tooth and nail from day one through that entire process.And the truth is, is that we didn't The people that came from outside, like me, who weren't D. C. professionals, didn't really understand the system that well, and a lot of the people from previous administrations that did understand the system were really kind of on board with the whole idea of growing the state and growing this thing, so we weren't as effective as we could have been, but we learned a lot, and I think if we have the opportunity to go back again, we'll What we're going to be able to do is to reform foreign assistance so that it reflects the values of the American people and not the values, not some weird ideological agenda like we see now.So you're seeing, you're seeing not only so as I understand it, your purpose over the last three decades has been not only to ascertain the level of assistance to foreign entities, but might it be said you were helping to prop them up if they wanted to be now? as legitimate democracies so that they could be engageable with us either economically or cooperative militarily.Is that a fair presumption? Yeah, not so much on the military side, but really helping countries in their, what we would call transitional elections and then helping them. So, for example, Indonesia when Indonesia overthrew the dictator Sutarto we went in and we, we spent several years working with them, helping them to develop Free and fair election processes, transparent election processes, helping political parties to form and articulate the priorities of their constituents, and then going through that entire process.And so I worked in there. In Nepal, we helped pro democracy groups to well, actually the entire government to develop a new constitution, a more democratic and, and A more people centered constitution there. So doing that sort of work. This is, this is very interesting because you're the kind of guy.That many people wonder about. You're the how do we establish our democracies overseas, if they're willing to accept them, I'm certain that you're not ramming it down their throat, although there might be some encouraging incentives to do so. The nonetheless, there's. There's a process you have to go through culturally as well to get them to adopt or buy into this notion of we the people grassroots you know, putting in someone who becomes our spokesman our doing our bidding for us in a representative republic.How is that received when you try to explain that? Yeah, well, it's, it's, it's harder to explain it here in the United States than, than it was overseas in the countries where we were working. But but the, the problem is, is that democracy assistance has been hijacked in many countries. So in countries where, where the United States has political interests, I would say like Ukraine and much of Eastern Europe you have seen what they called color revolutions and the color revolutions were not really pro democracy movements.They were actually pro socialist movements. They were, they were really trying to, The installation of socialist regimes in those countries, but in other countries where, where we didn't have that kind of political interference, we're actually helping people to, to, to try and express their will in government, which is what, what democracy is and, and And we don't really, I've never really had to convince people to, to love the idea of democracy.Everybody, everywhere would like to be involved in, in, in in pushing in, in having some level of control or influence on their government. So what, but, So yeah, it hasn't been that difficult, but it depends on where you are. And so some of the democracy programs overseas have been very bad, and some of them, I like to think, at least the ones I was involved in, have been pretty good.Well, you picked two in particular Nepal and Indonesia, for example. You really don't have a situation where, in an autocratic fascist environment, where it's You got people with guns to their head to perform and, and, and comply. I mean, how do you come in with a democracy in that environment? You don't.You, so, so there must be a, a vacuum or an ability a willingness to bring you in to get you to structure that there as opposed to some regime would probably shoot you, shoot you at the border. Yeah. And normally it's It's a transitional moment. So the, the people in Indonesia had overthrown their, their dictator and, and and Suharto and, and they were, and they were open to the idea of having people come and help them to, to set up a new governmental structure.In Nepal, they had Nepal is one of the most interesting places. Where they have the, the greatest diversity of different ethnic groups I've ever seen, they have caste, they have cleavages, they have racial cleavages economic cleavages, and they, they were trying to craft a constitution, and it took them 10 years.But helping them along the way to do that, to to, to figure out how to come together and decide on what they, they had consensus on, and then to articulate that in a formal constitutional structure, I think was a very, I mention it because I think it was very good. In other countries, we were less effective.In Bangladesh, I worked on many elections in Bangladesh, but Bangladesh is the country that is pretty much ruled by a couple of dynasties. And and, and so we were never really a, the government wanted us, would allow us to work because they wanted U. S. foreign assistance in other areas. But, but then underneath of that, they were always trying to undermine the work and, and stealing elections and things like that.So It was not as successful, but we were successful in some places and, and and we showed the best of America when we did that. Wonderful. Well, folks, we're talking to Tim Meisberger. He was during the Trump administration Director of the Center of Democracy, Rights, and Governance. And I, I wanted Tim to come on with us today.To give you a sense first of what he's done overseas and other other, other regions of the world number one, not only in establishing the government, but how he got in there to create the structure for that government. Then discuss now some of the election process and the processes that they went through, the administration of it, the legitimizing of the process we might want to talk about in a second, Tim.And then just to keep the folks engaged with us. We'd like to transition now to the United States of America, and what the hell's going on here, and why, Tim, you came back, maybe to help out with the legitimacy of our own democracy, the legitimacy of our own election process. Let's end there, but back on point, what happened overseas and how were they receiving, so you were actually monitoring the elections once the government was set up over there?Yeah, we, I think in the early days, what we did was what we call election observation or monitoring elections. And, and pretty early on, it became very clear that, that that was insufficient really to, to establish a democratic government. And so we started doing civic education. We started doing. Working with political parties and, and helping them to, to better articulate and, and represent their, their constituents and things like that.So, really started looking deeper and deeper into what that entire process is or, or what is really required to make a democratic country. And, and I think the, one of the fundamental. Lessons I learned, I think, over 30 years was that, that foundationally democracy is cultural. That if you don't have that cultural base that, that, that, that understands that people are equal and should have an equal say in government, then, then you, you're not really ready for democracy.And it's not so much a legislative thing, but it's a way. They view people and I think that the good illustration of that for me was in Sri Lanka, where they have a hierarchical or a feudal structure and the people would, in the plantations, would line up on election day and their foreman would go and tell them who to vote for and they would all march down to the polling station and vote for that person because that person was their, their patron, right?And they were in that patron client relationship or feudal relationship. Yeah. And, and so they didn't see anything wrong with that. So, so even though they had the form of democracy, they didn't have the substance. They didn't have, it wasn't functionally a democracy. People really didn't have much say in government.And of course we saw that, we see that around the world and it's, it's very common in the United States as well. Well, that's what I wanted to move toward. But you weren't actually establishing a system or monitoring voting ballots integrity the efficacy of the vote itself, were you? Yeah, of course.Yeah, we were doing that. And I, I mean, I've, I've designed elections. I've I, I wrote the election law in Bosnia for, for a Bosnian election in 94. So we've designed elections. We monitored elections. One of the. To, to determine whether or not they're free and fair. And obviously they'll have a lot to say about that when we start talking about the United States.Well, I was, you, you, you just, you got me. But, but I was going to do, I was going to do a quick jump on you and say, well, how does that compare to the last two elections alone? But before I get into that, I do want to talk a little, just a little bit about what what we were talking about at CNP and, and what the, what the American people, you spend I think it was two years ago was 70 billion on foreign assistance.Last year, or it was 55 fiscal years, 55 billion. And, and what that money is spent on. And I think at its heart, what, what we saw, what, what we believe in the Trump administration is that the, the people of the United States are charitable when they see a starving child, you know, because of a drought, or they see a hurricane destroy a city.They have a charitable impulse and they want to help those people. But what has happened over time is we have created this fantastically large and bureaucratic aid infrastructure that pumps money overseas. And it's actually spent on a lot of things people would never really think to call foreign assistance or foreign aid.So for example, we support, we provide direct financial support to a lot of foreign militaries, like in, in Uruguay or any country you can think of. Somewhere we're providing them, them straight dollars to their military to support their military. We're doing a lot of of different things. But, and, and, and one of the things I advocated was that we need to split that off, that military assistance, that national security function, and, and let's focus on the charity.