Blacktivity ā Black Boy (@dreadflintstone) (@shadecobain) Black Boy by Blacktivity

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Blacktivity ā Black Boy (@dreadflintstone) (@shadecobain) Black Boy by Blacktivity

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Thereās something brewing in this bill proposed by the Virginia General Assembly, HB. 1398...

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Something Doesnāt Smell Right...HB. 1398 (Proposed In The Virginia General Assembly)
In an America for which angry, vengeful, and populist driven politics appear to be the new order of the day, and for which there will be frequent protest and civil unrest in response to the rise of right wing populismās newest presidential āstandard bearerā in Donald Trump, there leaves much to be desired these days. Ā The polarization of the nation as it stands today is essentially a showdown between those who have accepted Trumpās racial and economic nationalist message and early authoritarian actions, and those who view such actions as the lead up to a nation in which constitutional conventions and civil rights gains are eroded. As such, over the next four-year period we can expect to see more live footage than we have seen in decades of marches, rallies, town halls, and even riots. Such events as these will mark not only the sharp political divide of the right and left, but even more so the cultural divide which in part has its genesis in the cultural and ideological shifts that reached a boiling point in the 1960ās. Today, as it was so then, there are essentially two camps. One which views in the so-called āAmerican dreamā in a way more likened to the ādays of oldā when everyone āknew their placeā. When whites (mostly males) came home from an 8 or 12- hour job at the office or steel mill and brought home the bacon to well-manicured suburban enclavesĀ and apron wearing wives. This, such white men did secure in the knowledge that they would never really have to compete with other races or genders for jobs or housing, and that the government would enforce such a handicap against other groups with either unparalleled violent vigor (Jim Crow south) or at the very least, nonchalant acquiescence (Jim Crow north). Ā The other views the āAmerican dreamā in terms that are more absolute. In terms that force the nation to meet its high minded and self-congratulatory ideals with real life practice. When this came to the fore in the form of young African American led student sit-ins, marches, and protest, only to be followed by much of the same from other minority groups including women, white mostly conservative males felt the world they once knew upended. This lead to the sort of āclash of civilizationsā for which the decades of the 60ās and 70ās are known. From Selma, to Watts, from Detroit to Chicago to the campuses of UC Berkley and Kent State, the combative and often violent convulsions of social-political change and/or readjustment often took center stage in the form of protesters vs the police state apparatus. As with all societies in which police are transformed from enforcers of the law and guardians of the citizenry, into centurions of ideological āauthorityā the pretext for such actions was ārule of lawā. Never was such a sentiment stated as clearly as it was by the late President Richard Nixon when he promised in 68ā to restore ālaw and orderā in America, a promise that would be echoed Ā decades later by candidate Trump during his republican nomination acceptance speech, and alluded to again by President Trump during his inaugural address. Couple this with the fact the current president has insulated himself with cronies of all sorts from the alt-right mediaās racist-in-residence Stephen Bannon, to fake news provocateur and former army Lt. General and now National Security Advisor Michael Flynn, to his shadowy son-in-law and media/real estate heir Jared Kushner (to name only a few) and you have the makings of an corrupt inner court. Whatās even more, is that with republicans as the majority in Congress, in governorships, and many state legislatures, those who are by nature looking toward re-election will undoubtedly either go along with the Trump doctrine or at the very least look the other way giving vague and cryptic answers when challenged on theĀ dealings ofĀ their partyās leader in the White House. In this way, Trumpās presidency will be more of a populist kleptocracy than a dictatorship in the mold of such crazed ideologues such as a Hitler, Mussolini, or Stalin. Kleptocrats as they are defined, are people who utilize positions of power to enrich themselves at the expense of the people, or in this case, further enrich themselves. This typically involves creating layers of insulation from prosecution or critique. Trump has successfully done this. WithĀ hisĀ pre-emptive strikes against all critical media as āfakeā, ābiasedā or ādishonestā, direct communication to his most ardent supporters via Twitter, a loyal and misinformed populist following, and his framing of America as a dark and corrupt place that only he can repair, Trump has either inadvertently or shrewdly come upon the blueprint for kleptocratic power. However, as protest continue to mount in opposition to his political abuses and inadequacies,Ā one of the more immediateĀ rungs in his layer of protection will be his framing of ālaw and orderā politics, in which the police apparatus will be used to enforce and protect on the local levels that which is administered from the Oval Office. This may not only involve the ways in which the police state will be allowed to have free and careless reign (especially under a presumptive Attorney General Jeff Sessions with a manĀ with aĀ less than stellar civil rights record), but the way in which police and police departments themselves will be insulated from backlash brought about by protest and a critical citizenry. One example of the dawning of such an era comes in the form of a bill scarcely known, that was recently proposed quietly on the floor of the Virginia General Assembly (Virginiaās state legislature located in the capitol city of Richmond, VAā¦my home). HB (House Bill) 1398 Hate crimes; acts against law-enforcement officers, firefighters, and EMS personnel., is a bill introduced by republican Delegate Richard P. Bell of Virginiaās 20th district covering Augusta, Rockingham, and Highland counties, in the city of Staunton. In this bill, the purpose or summary is described as such : āExpands the definition of hate crime for the purpose of reporting hate crimes within the Department of State Police to include acts against persons employed as law enforcement officers, firefighters, or emergency medical services personnelā. The bill as proposed in full detail looks something like this (bold print on points of emphasis):
Be it enacted by the General Assembly of Virginia: 11 1. That § 52-8.5 of the Code of Virginia is amended and reenacted as follows: 12 § 52-8.5. Reporting hate crimes. 13 A. The Superintendent shall establish and maintain within the Department of State Police a central repository for the collection and analysis of information regarding hate crimes and groups and  individuals carrying out such acts. 16 B. State, county and municipal law-enforcement agencies shall report to the Department all hate crimes occurring in their jurisdictions in a form, time and manner prescribed by the Superintendent. Such reports shall not be open to public inspection except insofar as the Superintendent shall permit. 19 C. For purposes of this section,: 20 "Emergency medical services (EMS) personnel" means the same as that term is defined in § 21 32.1-111.1. 22 "Firefighter" means the same as that term is defined in § 65.2-102. 23 "hate crime" means (i) a criminal act committed against a person or his property with the specific intent of instilling fear or intimidation in the individual against whom the act is perpetrated because of race, religion or, ethnic origin, or employment status as (a) a law-enforcement officer, (b) a  firefighter, or (c) EMS personnel or that is committed for the purpose of restraining that person from exercising his rights under the Constitution or laws of this the Commonwealth or of the United States,;  (ii) any illegal act directed against any persons or their property because of those persons' race, religion  or, national origin, or employment status as (a) a law-enforcement officer, (b) a firefighter, or (c) EMS  personnel; and (iii) all other incidents, as determined by law-enforcement authorities, intended to  intimidate or harass any individual or group because of race, religion or, national origin, or employment status as (a) a law-enforcement officer, (b) a firefighter, or (c) EMS personnel. 33 "Law-enforcement officer" means the same as that term is defined in § 9.1-101.
This bill was proposed on January 11, 2017, approximately 9 days in advance of Trumps inauguration by a republican member of the Virginia Assembly, which though led by a democratic governor and lieutenant governor in the executive branch, is majority red in the legislature. The billās co-sponsors include 14 other republican delegates and only one democrat, (Kaye Kory ā district 38, representing Fairfax County). Ā It should also be mentioned that Virginia is not only a key battleground state in presidential elections, and neighbor to the nationās capital, but that 2017 is an election year in which a litany of republican candidates will be setting their sights on the Governorās Mansion. At least four republicans have declared their candidacy; former RNC chairman Ed Gillespie, businessman Denver Riggleman, Chairman of the Prince William County Board of Supervisors and former lieutenant governor candidate (circa, 2013) Corey Stewart, and State Senator Frank Wagner. There are also four more people on the list of potential candidates who may throw their hat into the ring for the republican nomination; former Lieutenant Gov. Bill Bolling, former House Majority Leader Eric Cantor, financial consultant and former U.S. Senate candidate (circa, 2014) Shak Hill, and former State Senator Jeff McWaters. Meanwhile, the democratic party has only two candidates at the forefront of the race for governor, current Lt. Gov. Ralph Northam and the most recently announced Tom Perriello, former democratic congressman and diplomat under President Barack Obama. There are two other names that have received scant attention for the democrats in the race, U.S. Congressman Gerry Connolly and Virginiaās Secretary of Public Safety Brian Moran. However, considering the lower profiles of the latter two, it may well come down to a battle of 8 against 2. Considering such a political landscape both nationally and state wide and considering that itās quite arguable that as such a state like Virginia goes, so goes the nation, itās plausible that the introduction of this bill could in part be a wink and nod to the Trump administrationās call for ālaw and orderā. Whatās more, if republicans win back the Governorās Mansion not only does this bill stand a greater chance of being passed to the detriment of future protesters, but Virginia may very well stand as a āshining exampleā of similar laws to be implemented in other states, something Trump would potentially single out for praise. But besides the sheer politics of it all, what makes this bill detrimental? Well for one it begins by drawing a false equivalency couching it in terms of āhate crimesā. As is well documented hate crime laws on the federal, state, and local levels, arose from civil rights legislation which were used to fight segregation and the extra-legal violence toward Blacks in the south. Such laws, bills, and policies were later expanded to include protections for other minorities. In this way, these were laws that were responses to systemic ills, many of which were (and are) enforced by many police departments themselves, at the behest of the state of course. Furthermore, police officers already have protections under the law that hand out severe penalties considering the dangers of their job. For instance, in Virginia it is a class 6 felony to assault a police officer, murder of a police officer is classified as capital murder and is punishable by death or life in prison, not only this but Virginia is one of 14 states that have adopted the Law Enforcement Officerās Bill of Rights provision into its state statue. This was first set forth in 1974 following the Supreme Court ruling in the cases of Garrity vs. New Jersey (1967) and Gardner vs Broderick (1968). This is essentially intended to protect police officers from investigation and prosecution arising from conduct during official performance of their duties and provides them with privileges based on ādue processā not normally afforded to regular citizens. The most glaring feature of this law, is that it prevents the creation of civilian oversight and review boards and under this policy police officers are judged only by other officers. With such protections, already in place for police officers, it seems outlandish if not redundant, that a bill such as the Virginia Assemblyās HB 1398 would even be proposed. But, what if you are a member of the dominant political party in the nation on the state level, and you want to give a wink to police officers and your ālaw and orderā president? What if seeing the protest that are bound to continue under Trumpās presidency, you decide you want to build in protections from protester critique? This brings me to the key aspect of this bill and its potential threats. Its vague language and the unjustified leeway in which it could potentially be applied. To begin with, it doesnāt state the specifics as it pertains to ācriminal actsā. If there are criminal acts outside of the realm of which police officers are already protected from by law, what are these acts? How are they different specifically? Are these stated criminal acts considered more heinous or more reckless than the oneās already defined in the current penal codes that protect officers? If so, then how? Such unanswered questions and sweeping generalizations are dangerous in that the law can be applied to nearly any situation. This is of interest when police officers are faced with civil unrest and protest like that which has happened in the wake of news breaking police brutality cases. The state could very well say under such a law, that mass protest (or some portion of it) is a criminal act, particularly where the police are involved. To what extent could this infringe upon the publicās right to assemble, and freedom of speech? To that I answer, more than quite a bit! In addition to this, the provisions from the Law Enforcement Officerās Bill of Rights explicitly state that police officers can govern themselves which is to say that they have their own code of justice. Another problematic aspect of this law is that if enacted, those deemed in violation of these said āhate crimesā will be placed in a data base not open to the public, except at the āsuperintendentāsā discretion. In this case, it would mean the lead officer or department in charge of the investigation of such a hate crime. Given the history of policing in the United States, itās fair to say that if one was convicted of something for which one wanted to dispute and needed access to āevidenceā to prove his or herself innocent, the chances of receiving such information are probably slim to none. If that sounds like something that could lead to a McCarthy like blacklisting of citizens for dissenting, then you may be right. The bill goes on to speak of criminal acts with āthe intent of instilling fear or intimidationā. This piece of the bill rings problematic for two reasons. First, police officers though entitled by human nature to feel fear, are or should be trained in how to handle it. The job of an officer is to protect and serve his or her citizens from crimes of and violations of all sorts and as such being trained properly both psychologically and physically should prepare one for the potential dangers that could be faced. Whatās more is that most people who are familiar with litigation in some form, know that one of the harder things to prove in a court of law is intent. Whoās to say what a personās intentions are unless there is hard evidence that can point to it, or a witness that can substantiate it. And even in the case of the latter, witnesses are still subject to variables such as self-interest (non implication, bribery, etc.) that could play a role in a testimony. By the sound of the proposed bill however, it seems as if the intent of another could just as easily be decided by the victimized officer themselves. How many times hasĀ points this loophole been abused? Way too many. Lastly, along with the term āany illegal actā which in and of itself is broad, the most troubling and telling words of this proposed bill are; āall other incidents, as determined by law-enforcement authoritiesā. Law enforcement officers are called such because quite frankly, it is their job to enforce the law. There are a set of laws put forth in the U.S. Constitution as well as each stateās own constitution or statue that are supposed to work in unison with local policy to protect the rights of citizens, and the job of an officer is to see to it that such laws are being enforced. But, creating or determining what incidents constitute as illegalities is beyond the wheelhouse of any police officer and to put it bluntly, illegal. Yet this is what some in the Virginia Assembly (and probably other state legislatures if this passes) want to put forth as a justifiable bill. In the age of Trumpās ālaw and orderā doctrines, and in the face of the criticism and protest he some colluding republicans will inevitably receive, such a play reeks of a kleptocratic government in the works which understands that on the federal, state, and local levels, it will at many points need reinforcement of the police state. Whether the United States of America will become a full-on banana republic remains to be seen, and comparisons to such governments may or may not be a bit premature. But, if this bill that has been proposed in Virginia is to take root, and spread like wildfire to other states, this, coupled with some of Trumpās own statements (one telling quote in which he threatened to āsend the Fedsā into a ācarnageā ridden Chicago) are yet more red flags for the future of equal protections and democracy in this country.
EP | "The Singles" @ShadeCobain @ill_tone1
.@ShadeCobain & @ill_tone1 bring the pain & lyrics on "The Singles EP"
The Michigan hip-hop scene is one thatās always going to bring you lyrical hip-hop. You almost come to expect it since most of the notable artists from there are great with the lyrics. Mix gritty 90ās sounding beats with those lyrics and you get a new project fromĀ Blacktivity titledĀ The Singles EP.
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Great time rockin with @dreadflintstone last night in Port Huron. #blacktivity #moemawnaedon #joeysmooth #surfacelevelrecords #porthuron