swayam data

In the longer arc of India-US relations, another step has been taken to overcome the “hesitations of history”, and to forge closer defence and commerce partnerships, notwithstanding the political change in Washington DC.

USA

What strengthens India-US defence cooperation?

In 2016, the Obama administration granted India the custom-made status of a Major Defense Partner of the United States — a status akin to that of a major non-NATO ally, without using that exact designation.

It was effectively a logical extension of several years of high-level U.S.-India talks on defense technology cooperation through the aegis of the bilateral Defense Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI). Under the designation, India would have access to sensitive U.S. defense technologies in the same way that U.S. treaty allies do — in theory at least.

India would be upgraded to the U.S. Department of Commerce’s Tier 1 Strategic Trade Authorization level, granting India access to a large scope of exports without specific licenses.

The change comes ahead of a highly anticipated inaugural U.S.-India ‘two-plus-two’ meeting that will bring together the top foreign and defense officials from both countries for a high-level consultation on strategic and defense issues.The two countries are expected to conclude a so-called foundational agreement on military communications — the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) — during the meeting

Why does this list matter?

One of India’s key objectives in signing the civil nuclear deal with the United States in 2008was to gain access to high technology that it had been denied, especially from the 1970s through the 90s.

In 2011, as part of the export control reforms initiative, the US government came up with the concept of Strategic Trade Authorisation (STA) — a move towards a licence-free or license exemption regime. Two lists were created — STA-1 and STA-2 — and countries that were not part of either list had to apply for a licence for every item on the Commerce Control List (of dual-use items).

STA-1 and STA-2 established a hierarchy among those the US was willing to certify as “good countries” that would not contribute towards “proliferation” in the world. The STA-1 list has 36 countries — including NATO allies and bilateral treaty allies like Japan, South Korea, and Australia — whose non-proliferation controls the US considers to be the best in the world. These countries are also among those that are part of the four multilateral export control regimes — the Nuclear Suppliers’ Group (NSG), Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), Australia Group and the Wassenaar Arrangement. STA-1 countries, America’s most trusted allies, have licence-free access to almost 90% of dual-use technology, and are eligible to import items that are controlled for reasons of national security, chemical or biological weapons, irrespective of whether the technology or item impacts regional stability or American national security.

Countries in the STA-2 list enjoy some form of licensing exemption, but cannot access dual-use items/technology that may impact regional stability, or contribute to nuclear non-proliferation, etc. Before being elevated to STA-1 this week, India was in this list, along with seven other countries — Albania, Hong Kong, Israel, Malta, Singapore, South Africa, and Taiwan.

A Multilateral Export Control Regime is an international body that states use to organize their national export control systems. There are currently four such regimes:

The Wassenaar Arrangement (WA) on Export Controls for Conventional Arms and Dual-Use Goods and Technologies

The Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), for the control of nuclear related technology

The Australia Group (AG) for control of chemical and biological technology that could be weaponized

The Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) for the control of rockets and other aerial vehicles capable of delivering weapons of mass destruction

How are trade relations in non-defence sectors?

They are not looking good, though not all hope is lost.

India said on August 3 that delayed higher tariffs against some goods imported from the United States will go into force on 18 September.

DIAG

India said on August 3 that delayed higher tariffs against some goods imported from the United States will go into force on 18 September. New Delhi, angered by Washington’s refusal to exempt it from new tariffs, decided in June to raise import tax from 4 August on some US products, including almonds, walnuts and apples, and later delayed the move.It appears that the government of India will wait for the two-plus-two meeting to have more clarity on the matter. Trade differences between India and the United States have been rising since President Donald Trump took office. Bilateral trade rose to $115 billion in 2016, but the Trump administration wants to reduce its $31 billion deficit with India, and is pressing New Delhi to ease trade barriers.India, the world’s biggest buyer of US almonds, in June decided to raise import duties on the commodity by 20%, joining the European Union and China in retaliating against Trump’s tariff hikes on steel and aluminium. It had also planned to impose a 120% duty on the import of walnuts in the strongest action yet against the United States.

In 2011, as part of the export control reforms initiative, the US government came up with the concept of Strategic Trade Authorisation (STA) — a move towards a licence-free or license exemption regime. Two lists were created — STA-1 and STA-2 — and countries that were not part of either list had to apply for a licence for every item on the Commerce Control List (of dual-use items).

STA-1 and STA-2 established a hierarchy among those the US was willing to certify as “good countries” that would not contribute towards “proliferation” in the world. The STA-1 list has 36 countries — including NATO allies and bilateral treaty allies like Japan, South Korea, and Australia — whose non-proliferation controls the US considers to be the best in the world. These countries are also among those that are part of the four multilateral export control regimes — the Nuclear Suppliers’ Group (NSG), Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), Australia Group and the Wassenaar Arrangement. STA-1 countries, America’s most trusted allies, have licence-free access to almost 90% of dual-use technology, and are eligible to import items that are controlled for reasons of national security, chemical or biological weapons, irrespective of whether the technology or item impacts regional stability or American national security.

Countries in the STA-2 list enjoy some form of licensing exemption, but cannot access dual-use items/technology that may impact regional stability, or contribute to nuclear non-proliferation, etc. Before being elevated to STA-1 this week, India was in this list, along with seven other countries — Albania, Hong Kong, Israel, Malta, Singapore, South Africa, and Taiwan.

It was effectively a logical extension of several years of high-level U.S.-India talks on defense technology cooperation through the aegis of the bilateral Defense Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI). Under the designation, India would have access to sensitive U.S. defense technologies in the same way that U.S. treaty allies do — in theory at least.Russia

Russia has now firmly moved towards Pakistan and depends heavily on China for selling oil. Modi needs to win Russia back.

Informal summit : Sochi agendaless meeting with putin, wuhan with china

Now with the Trump administration upending the rules of global governance, there is renewed concern in the three capitals that their foreign policies need greater coordination if only to preserve their equities in the global order

India, of course, has a long-standing relationship with Russia but that is undergoing a shift in light of rapidly evolving geopolitical realities. While the top leaderships of the two nations have continued to engage with each other, divergences have been cropping up with disturbing regularity.

is Russia’s increasing tilt towards Pakistan as it seeks to curry favour with China. Moscow had historically supported New Delhi at the United Nations Security Council by repeatedly vetoing resolutions on the Kashmir issue. Today, however, there is a change in how Moscow views its regional priorities in South Asia.In a significant development, the joint declaration issued at the end of the first-ever six-nation Speaker’s Conference in Islamabad held in December 2017 supported Pakistani line on Kashmir.This declaration signed by Afghanistan, China, Iran, Pakistan, Russia and Turkey underscored that “for ensuring global and regional peace and stability, the issue of Jammu and Kashmir needs peaceful resolution by Pakistan and India in accordance with UN Security Council resolutions.” Pakistan’s Kashmir fixation meant that it forced other interlocutors to bring the Kashmir issue to the declaration.

During his visit to New Delhi in December, Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov publicly called on India to join China’s Belt and Road initiative

Lavrov also made his displeasure clear over New Delhi’s warming up to the idea of a quadrilateral engagement involving the US, India, Japan and Australia in the Indo-Pacific. He suggested “that sustainable security architecture in the Asia Pacific region cannot be achieved through bloc arrangement.”

For India, the prism is different as it has to manage the negative externalities emerging from the rise of China in its vicinity.Chinese power is now intruding into India’s traditional sphere of influence in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region. The growing power disparity between India and China is making the border situation unstable. China-Pakistan nexus is proving difficult to contain as India gets ready to face a two-front challenge.China refuses to recognise Indian global power aspirations and has not yielded on key Indian security demands. As a result, while Russia may find cooperation with China as a perfectly legitimate response to its problems with the West, India does not have that luxury

As India resets its engagement with China and as Russia adjusts to its growing isolation in the western world, time has come for renewed Indo-Russian engagement. For a relationship that largely relies on defence and where the deeper economic underpinnings are lagging, the need of the hour should be to have candid conversations about the current state of play in the relationship.

Where does the Russia sanction impact India?

India and Russia, with proposed defenceprojects worth over $12 billion hanging in balance, are working on a road map to get around the new US sanctions regime that seeks to deter countries from buying Russian weapon systems.

Russia’s partnership with China has resulted from Moscow’s need to offset the impact of the sanctions on its flagging economy, and more broadly to dilute US influence. Yet this partnership is hampered by deep mutual mistrust; Russia is increasingly wary of China’s growing influence, particularly in Central Asia, which Russia perceives as its own back yard.

Just as it needs China to push back against the US and buy Russian oil, Moscow values India’s role as a balancer against China and for its energy- and arms-thirsty market. For example, to constrain China’s growing clout, Russia pushed for India’s permanent membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO).

For the US, the desire to bring India closer into its orbit has more to do with curbing Chinese influence than with containing Russia. For this same reason, both Russia and the US have become important for India to balance a rising China, although the former is actively upsetting this balance. In this regard, Russia’s growing strategic convergence with Pakistan and China is built on a common goal to counter US influence and has little to do with India. Nevertheless, it has had significant bearing on Indian security interests.

From seeing the Soviet Union as the strategic counterweight to China and Western powers in the Cold War days to as recent as the cooperation over the Brahmos missile project and the Essar-Rosneft oil deal, India has benefited immensely from its relations with Russia.

. As Russia becomes more beholden to China, the contours of India-Russian ties in the future will be increasingly shaped by Beijing-Moscow relations. 

could leave India open to sanctions under the Countering American Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA), which mandates the US administration to punish entities engaging “in a significant transaction with...the defense or intelligence sectors” of Russia. newly enacted American law that ‘could’ potentially determine the purchase of the S-400 air defence missile system from Russia as a sanctionable activity.

Russia today provides India around 70 percent of its defence needs. And importantly, the defence cooperation is not exactly restricted to a buyer-seller relationship; it includes now joint design, research and development, joint production, training, and service-to-service contacts. Russia is always prepared to share its most sensitive and newest developments in technology to India that the United States and other Western nations have been reticent to do. The BrahMos missile system is a shining example of this type of collaboration.

It is Russia which has unhesitatingly established nuclear power stations in India, something that cannot be said of the United States even after the conclusion of the much-hyped civil nuclear deal. And it is Russia which has provided the most vocal support for India becoming a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council.

Time is ripe to involve Indian private sector companies into Indo-Russian defence joint ventures.The ‘Make in India’ program can be leveraged to do so. Two major military-industrial conferences of Indian companies and Russian OEMs have been held in Delhi and Moscow in 2017

USA

What strengthens India-US defence cooperation?

In 2016, the Obama administration granted India the custom-made status of a Major Defense Partner of the United States — a status akin to that of a major non-NATO ally, without using that exact designation.

It was effectively a logical extension of several years of high-level U.S.-India talks on defense technology cooperation through the aegis of the bilateral Defense Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI). Under the designation, India would have access to sensitive U.S. defense technologies in the same way that U.S. treaty allies do — in theory at least.

India would be upgraded to the U.S. Department of Commerce’s Tier 1 Strategic Trade Authorization level, granting India access to a large scope of exports without specific licenses.

The change comes ahead of a highly anticipated inaugural U.S.-India ‘two-plus-two’ meeting that will bring together the top foreign and defense officials from both countries for a high-level consultation on strategic and defense issues.The two countries are expected to conclude a so-called foundational agreement on military communications — the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) — during the meeting

Why does this list matter?

One of India’s key objectives in signing the civil nuclear deal with the United States in 2008was to gain access to high technology that it had been denied, especially from the 1970s through the 90s.

In 2011, as part of the export control reforms initiative, the US government came up with the concept of Strategic Trade Authorisation (STA) — a move towards a licence-free or license exemption regime. Two lists were created — STA-1 and STA-2 — and countries that were not part of either list had to apply for a licence for every item on the Commerce Control List (of dual-use items).

STA-1 and STA-2 established a hierarchy among those the US was willing to certify as “good countries” that would not contribute towards “proliferation” in the world. The STA-1 list has 36 countries — including NATO allies and bilateral treaty allies like Japan, South Korea, and Australia — whose non-proliferation controls the US considers to be the best in the world. These countries are also among those that are part of the four multilateral export control regimes — the Nuclear Suppliers’ Group (NSG), Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), Australia Group and the Wassenaar Arrangement. STA-1 countries, America’s most trusted allies, have licence-free access to almost 90% of dual-use technology, and are eligible to import items that are controlled for reasons of national security, chemical or biological weapons, irrespective of whether the technology or item impacts regional stability or American national security.

Countries in the STA-2 list enjoy some form of licensing exemption, but cannot access dual-use items/technology that may impact regional stability, or contribute to nuclear non-proliferation, etc. Before being elevated to STA-1 this week, India was in this list, along with seven other countries — Albania, Hong Kong, Israel, Malta, Singapore, South Africa, and Taiwan.

Where else has the US accommodated Indian interests?

The US Senate late on August 1 passed a defence-spending bill that sought to amend a law threatening secondary sanctions against American strategic partners, such as India, who conduct “significant” business with Russia.

The move, which is being seen as a major relief to India, paves the way for it to purchase the Russian S400 Triumf.

Analysts in India were of the view that if the US did not provide the waiver from sanctions, it had the potential to be an irritant in US-India strategic ties. The National Defence Authorization Act (NDAA), 2019, has been passed in the House of Representatives and is now awaiting US President Donald Trump’s signature. The NDAA amended sections in the Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act (CAATSA), passed by the US Congress exactly a year ago on 2 August 2017.

Over the past decade, India has been diversifying its weapons purchases with countries such as France and Israel, and the US, with almost $15 billion worth of orders, emerged as the top source for defence equipment.

India is reciprocating the US gesture

India is in talks with the U.S. to procure an advanced air defence system to defend the National Capital Region (NCR) from aerial attacks.

The Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) is a tweaked India-specific version of the Logistics Support Agreement (LSA), which the U.S. has with several countries it has close military to military cooperation. It is also one of the three foundational agreements — as referred to by the U.S. LEMOA gives access, to both countries, to designated military facilities on either side for the purpose of refuelling and replenishment. The agreement will primarily cover four areas — port calls, joint exercises, training and Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief. Any other requirement has to be agreed upon by both sides on a case-by-case basis.

humanitarian crisis 

Italian government’s hardline approach to refugees and migrants.

In line with it, any strategy must start with fighting disinformation. The EU must counter disinformation so that attitudes toward Europe’s refugee communities are not warped by false stories.

The EU must also work harder to support those who end up staying in Europe long term—Europe needs immigrants to sustain its economy.

According to Eurostat, Europe’s population rose in 2016 only because of migration. Eurostat also estimates that without migration, only Ireland, France, Norway and Britain would see rising populations by 2050; Germany and Italy would both see population declines.

Many countries are also dealing with a shortage of skilled labor, and the increase in labor force potential “is an opportunity for Europeans to jump-start the continent’s economy,” according to French economist Thomas Piketty.

To capitalize on this, the EU could increase programs and better partner with private organizations that help with language and vocational training for refugees.

More resources should also be dedicated to turning part time employment into full time, long-term careers.

UK

UK government has caused outrage by excluding Indian students from a new list of countries considered ‘low risk’ for easier visa application process to British universities 

The changes in the tier-2 visa category could open up thousands of slots for other professionals now that doctors and nurses have been exempted from the controversial annual cap of 20,700 visas. This would also mean that an unrestricted number of non-EU doctors and nurses can enter the UK to plug the acute shortage of skilled professionals plaguing the country's National Health Service (NHS)

US

Trump administration immigration officials now have more power to reject H-1B visa applications. The adjudicators will have full discretion to deny applications, petitions, and requests without first issuing a request for evidence. The change will come into effect from 11 September. This ‘no means no’ policy effectively raises the entry barrier for H-1B seekers. With changes also proposed in the dependent H-4 visa rules, Indian IT firms will have no other choice than to ‘Hire American’.

How do changes affect Indian tech companies?

NATO : trump 4% , us pay less other pay more

It were a hectic couple of days for Rwandan president Paul Kagame with his country hosting back-to-back visits by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping.

China and India actively explore China-India plus one or China-India-X cooperation in accordance with the consensus reached by the leaders of the two countries, realise mutual benefit and win-win between China and India and other countries,” added Geng.

Advocating Sino-Indian cooperation in third countries and especially in Africa, Geng referred to the ‘informal summit’ between Modi and Xi at Wuhan in April this year. Till now, both countries had only agreed to have joint projects in Afghanistan for capacity building.

India has been working with other countries, specifically the United States, Japan and under IBSA (India, Brazil, South Africa), to develop projects in Africa. But the proposal from China about cooperation in third countries, with Africa as the backdrop, is certainly likely to garner notice.

Modi had visited Kampala when he was the chief minister of Gujarat. Uganda has a 30,000 strong Indian community, many of them originally from Gujarat

Modi also visited the Rweru Model village outside Kigali to support a personal initiative of President Kagame under the ‘Girinka program’, a social protection scheme which pushes for ‘one cow, one family’. Modi gifted 200 cows to villagers there who did not own any cattle.

India, once upon a time, had a head start. As many African countries transitioned from colonialism to freedom, India’s democracy was the template for them.The continent’s strongmen, Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah, Congo’s Patrice Lumumba, Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser had strong personal links with India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru who saw the potential benefits of increased economic and strategic cooperation with the continent.

Cut to the present, the story has changed to one of lost opportunities and benign neglect. It is not that India has done badly in Africa. But given the historic ties between many African countries and India, a more robust engagement would have paid much greater dividends.

India’s lack of a consistent proactive policy towards Africa led to the Chinese stealing a march over it in terms of investment and trade. Despite being Africa’s oldest trading partner, India is now forced to play catch up with China, which has aggressively wooed the continent’s leaders with its largesse, pushing its investments up to a cumulative $3.5 trillion in 2015. In contrast, India will cross the $ 500 billion mark only in 2020. This suggests that India and India Inc. must shed their traditional conservatism and pursue bigger gains in Africa. New Delhi did the right thing in extending a $ 10 billion line of credit from 2015 to 2020 but it must now push to see that it is used appropriately.

Whereas India’s policy has focused on job creation in the countries it has invested in, China has tended to bring in its own men causing resentment among the locals. That India is diversifying the ways in which it can enhance economic cooperation — and promote its diplomatic profile — in Africa is significant. Recent figures are impressive: India has extended 152 lines of credit to the tune of almost $8 billion to 44 African countries, for developing agriculture, infrastructure, clean energy, and manufacturing.

The general consensus is that China is doing a lot of things in Africa, but India is doing the right things.

The Chinese model has often been criticised for creating huge debts for the beneficiary nations, the Nairobi-Mombasa rail link being one example of this.

Many African countries are wary of putting all their eggs in the Chinese basket. This is something India is willing and able to exploit to its advantage.

India is now giving sustained attention to Africa, opening diplomatic missions on the continent as well as regular high-level political interactions.

India’s partnership with Africa is wide ranging and is now focused on human resources and institutional capacity building. It is building economic and commercial ties with Africa even as it is contributing to the development of African countries through cooperation and technical assistance.The Indian Navy is also engaged in dealing with pirates off the coast of Somalia. It has been patrolling the waters of the Indian Ocean and helping countries in Eastern and Southern Africa in tackling piracy and surveillance of their exclusive economic zones. India has sought the cooperation of African states in the Indian Ocean littoral to establish mechanisms for cooperation in order to deal with threats to regional security including terrorism and piracy.The trade balance between India and Africa is in the favor of the latter as African countries export more goods to India than it imports. This is partly a result of India’s duty-free tariff preferential countries (LDCs) launched in 2008, which has benefited 33 African states. India wants a “developmental partnership” with Africa to be the cornerstone of its economic ties with the region. This also allows India to differentiate itself from the principles on which countries belonging to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the traditional donors of foreign aid, have based their relations with the recipient nations.But the Indian private sector is yet to take full advantages of the opportunities offered by Africa despite having a better understanding of the African market compared to China’s state-owned enterprises.

How important is the BRICS Summit?

The summit of the BRICS countries – Brazil, Russia, China, India and South Africa – started in June 2009 at Yekaterinburg, when Russia hosted the leaders of this bloc, though it did not originally include South Africa. BRIC became a formal institution the following year, aimed at facilitating global political and economic transformation, and South Africa officially joined in 2011.

Much has been written about this group’s threat to the Western-dominated world economic order. BRICS formed the New Development Bank in 2014, the first major international development bank with no participation from the OECD countries. The following year it established the BRICS Contingent Reserve Arrangement, widely regarded as a rival to the International Monetary Fund. The bloc has also been trying to find new ways of engaging in international affairs by leading on key issues such as climate change, regional security and anti-terrorism.

By 2016, the BRICS bloc had 41% of the world’s population and just under 30% of the territory.The five countries control 23% of global GDP, worth about US$40.6 trillion, and 18% of trade.The group is growing impressively if you take it as a single entity, averaging 3.8% in 2015, 4.2% in 2016 and 5.1% in 2017 – though China and India are growing much faster than the rest.

pakistan

India has welcomed the United States government’s decision to label three Lashkar-e-Taiba terrorists as “Specially Designated Global Terrorists”. Three Pakistanis linked to the LeT, the outfit that carried out the 2008 Mumbai attack, have been designated global terrorists to shut down the group’s financial network. Meanwhile, in a sign that Pakistan won’t accept mainstreaming of terrorism, a Hafiz Saeed-backed party was routed in the elections. It’s now up to Imran Khan to not do what he mustn’t.

How else is the US planning to ensure that Pakistan conforms?

The US is not waiting to see if Imran Khan can dare to take on the establishment. It is likely to drastically reduce Pakistan’s security-related aid, from $700 million this year to $150 million next year, an indication, experts say, that the country may finally be giving up on its difficult ally’s ability to walk the talk on counter-terrorism

china

Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China have created a draft document for a code of conduct in the disputed South China Sea that would form the basis for future negotiations. This is a major achievement in ASEAN-China relations that have been shaken by conflict over this sea, although the deadline for the conclusion of the agreement hasn’t been set. It’s unlikely that China will curtail its island-building activities in the disputed waters.

India: Modi delivered the keynote speech focusing on India's strategy in the Indo Pacific region. In his speech, he noted that the Malacca Strait and the South China Sea connect India to the Pacific and most of its major partners including ASEAN, Japan, South Korea, China and the Americas. Without mentioning China, the Indian leader called for a common rules-based order for the region that would equally apply to all nations.

Single Draft South China Sea Code of Conduct Negotiating Text (SDNT) that will serve as the basis for the adoption of a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea. 

South korea

talks would open new avenues for expanding the bilateral partnership, particularly in the economic domain. A pressing need for diplomatic diversification in the age of escalating geopolitical as well as economic uncertainty is the rationale behind this meet.

It is partly a hedging strategy amid the U.S.-China tug-of-war in the region, and partly a forward-looking move to address how Korea and India can together meet the demands of a dynamic future. There has been an upswing in India's defence cooperation with South Korea and both sides are expected to explore ways to enhance it.

India also features prominently in Moon’s “new southern policy” that aims at boosting ties with India as well as South-East Asian countries. There is a significant departure from Korea’s traditional foreign policy and is a forward-looking move to address how Korea and India can together meet the demands of a dynamic future.

When did ties between India and South Korea begin?

The relations between India and South Korea dates back centuries. Nobel laureate Rabindranath Tagore composed the poem'Lamp of the East' in 1929 about Korea's glorious past and its bright future

The strategic history of India with the Northeast Asia remained disjointed for almost four decades since the end of the Korea war in 1953. India-South Korea relationship remained in a state of “strategic disconnect”, for reasons other than economics. India’s policy of “ non-alignment and economic autarchy ” and perceived closeness with then Soviet Union were seen by the United States and its allies such as Japan and South Korea with suspicion.

South Korean ambassador to India, Kim Joong-Keun termed the years until early 1990 from the establishment of diplomatic ties in 1973 as the first stage or as he called the “budding period”. During this stage, India adopted an inward-looking import substitution model of development, while South Korea pursued an outward-looking export-oriented development path and opened its market to the world. Such contrasting paths prevented the growth of economic ties between the two countries.

The second stage of the bilateral ties between 1991 and 2009 can be called the phase of “economic and commercial cooperation”. The bilateral relations started changing rapidly after India introduced economic reforms in 1991 and adopted its Look East policy under Prime Minister Narasimha Rao and moved to engage with the rest of Asia. The bilateral relationship solidified when President Roh Myun-hwan visited India in 2004 and a “Long Term cooperative Partnership” was established.

In the third stage, bilateral relationship was elevated into a “Strategic Partnership”. This strategic partnership could be achieved because of convergence of India’s Look East Policy and Korea’s New Asia Diplomatic Initiative.

The Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) signed in 2009 was also implemented and entered into force from January 2010, thereby jumpstarting the dormant economic component of the bilateral ties.

PM Modi visited South Korea in May 2015 during which the bilateral partnership was elevated to a special strategic partnership. A financing arrangement of $10 billion had been set by South Korea for infrastructure development in India, following the visit.

There are three important pillars on which India-South Korea relations have been developing. First, the signing of the CEPA has provided a platform and has facilitated entry of both into new multilateral economic groupings in Asia. Second, security ties, including supply of defense equipment and joint R&D programs have been strengthened. Thirdly, cooperation on energy security has developed, culminating in the signing of a civil nuclear pact.

potential

Although Korea and India forged a bilateral trade deal, or the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) in 2010, the two sides have not yet fully explored the potential of each other’s markets.

Bilateral trade between India and South Korea in 2017 have crossed $20 billion, and investments are also rising. Korean companies have played a pivotal role in strengthening bilateral economic ties. Bilateral trade between the world's seventh and 11th largest economies rose by nearly a quarter to $20.8 billion in the 2017/18 fiscal year that ended in March, with $16.4 billion of that in favour of South Korea.

India-South Korea relations are still dominated by the economic domain. But geopolitical transitions in the Korean Peninsula and emergence of the concept of Indo-Pacific necessitate that India and South Korea focus more on the strategic aspect of their bilateral relations with the two sides looking at defence cooperation.

Much is left to be desired on the trade front in spite of India and South Korea having an extremely liberal bilateral free trade agreement (CEPA). The two countries have now agreed to more than double mutual trade to $50 billion by 2030. South Korea ranks only 16th in FDI (Foreign Direct Investment) equity inflows to India.

South Korea can also benefit from science and technology cooperation with India. India’s strength in the software industry can complement South Korea’s global competitiveness in hardware.

India is an ideal manufacturing base for Korean products for exports to third markets. The CEPA facilitates greater integration among Asian markets and offers South Korean companies a competitive edge vis-à-vis those from Japan and China.

South Korean investments worth $600 million came in last year, from companies such as carmaker Kia and Samsung, in recognition of the Indian market and the buying power of the urban middle class.

India has also sourced artillery guns from South Korea and is looking to manufacture them in India under the “Make in India” program. The two sides can further explore defence hardware procurement and manufacture

India, the report said, was emerging as a key economic partner for Korea, with its huge market whose importance would only increase as South Korea tried to reduce its reliance in its two biggest trading partners, China and the

South Korea has been one of the earliest foreign investors after India’s economic liberalization in 1991 and continues to be an aggressive yet enthusiastic investor that has continued to maintain its confidence in India’s potential.

On the geopolitical front, India, as an emerging global power, can contribute to ensuring stability in Asia by engaging in regional affairs and providing a mediating role, as well as rendering valuable support to South Korea on Korean peninsula issues.

India should adopt the Korean model to boost its manufacturing, considering a remarkable resemblance between the current Indian economy and the South Korean economy of the 1970s.

China is South Korea’s biggest trade partner and is threatening to boycott South Korean goods

One another major task is moderating the dissimilar style of diplomacy and communication under cultural differences.India should take advantage of South Korea as a reliable partner that can help modernize India’s physical and social infrastructure – from roads to railways, and from schools to sewage treatment plants.

South Korean President Moon Jae-in arrived in

By signing an 'early harvest package' document, the two countries have taken a step forward in upgrading their comprehensive economic partnership agreement (CEPA).

The two leaders recognised the threat emanating from terrorism, violent extremism and radicalism to world peace and humanity, they also strongly condemned terrorism in all its forms and manifestations.

They also recognised India's contribution and commitment towards the global non-proliferation efforts and they reaffirmed that India's membership to the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) will further strengthen the international non-proliferation regime.

the need to focus on Indians in distress abroad to deploying soft power and celebrating Gandhi’s 150th birth anniversary; from India’s global development assistance and cooperation to evolving regional and geopolitical dynamics 

Vietnam

Oil and gas exploration has been one of the key areas of cooperation between the two countries with the Indian companies making significant investment in this sector in Vietnam.

China has been opposing India's Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) exploring oil in areas claimed by Vietnam in the South China Sea (SCS). India has been asserting that the ONGC's exploration is a commercial operation and not connected with the dispute. Oil exploration in the SCS is a sensitive issue in Vietnam-China relations.

other is defence partnership

New Delhi’s involvement in the SCS thus, focuses on three objectives. First, to ensure peace and stability in the region and keep the vital sea lanes open; second, to maintain cordial relations with regional powers; and third, to ensure that no potentially aggressive external power comes to dominate the region.

Managing the region’s competing territorial disputes has required shrewd diplomatic awareness and delicate balancing from India.

On the one hand, India wants to maintain friendly relations with the various SCS claimants; on the other, it has to avoid excessively provoking its Chinese neighbor. In New Delhi’s view, while activities such as energy exploration and weapon sales to the region would incur Beijing’s disapproval, such ventures are unlikely to instigate anything more than a verbal response from the Chinese.

Taking a stand on the territorial disputes is another matter. China has repeatedly described the SCS as a “core interest”, indicating its willingness to use force to protect its claims. Thus, India’s stand on the issue has been one of deliberate ambiguity – not favoring any one side, but instead advocating freedom of navigation and peaceful resolution of disputes in accordance with international law, including the UNCLOS. On the South China Sea Arbitration ruling in 2016, India, which had not taken sides in the dispute, urged all parties to respect and uphold the verdict of the UNCLOS-based tribunal. The verdict was anti-China.

Donald Trump has reimposed sanctions on Iran, but the United States is unlikely to get any support from other major trading blocs. China and Russia have indicated they will continue to trade normally with Iran, while the European Union is willing to go the extra mile and billion to make sure the sanctions don’t work. Meanwhile, the impact on Iran’s economy is already being felt. But, if history offers any evidence, the regime will not collapse.

Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA. That accord — negotiated also with the U.K., France, German, Russia and China — suspended U.S. sanctions in return for limits and regular inspections on Iran's nuclear programs, while allowing the country to continue enriching uranium for peaceful energy purposes.

“The international community must prevent these significant achievements of multilateral diplomacy from being sacrificed to US aspirations to square political accounts with Iran on issues that have nothing to do with the JCPOA.”

They drove out legitimate middle-class businesses and helped the state monopolize the economy; exactly the opposite of what the US wants. Sanctions cannot be justified if it’s already apparent that they won’t work.

Sanctions are a form of violence, which means that, as with other uses of force on the world stage, there should be a high bar to justify their imposition. Before dialing that emergency number, states wishing to impose them should be certain of their practical efficacy, and confident that the civilian price that will be paid is morally justified. It’s hard to see how Trump’s Iran sanctions pass either test.

Given New Delhi’s engagement not only with the United States and Iran but also with other significant Middle East countries like the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Israel, the diplomatic headache resulting from these sanctions has multiplied for India.

India and Iran share historical ties, though this dimension of the India-Iran relationship is often ignored. The two shared common borders until the partition of the subcontinent in 1947. Persian influence on Mughal architecture is pervasive. Formal diplomatic ties between India and Iran were established in 1950.

Presently, Iran is India’s third largest supplier of crude oil. However, the India-Iran relationship transcends oil. India, with an investment of $500 million, aims to develop Iran’s Chabahar port as a transit hub for Afghanistan, Central Asia, and the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC). Additionally, India is developing two gas fields, namely Farzad-B located in Tehran and the South Pars field located between Iran and Qatar. These projects clearly highlight India’s long-term engagement with Iran

U.S. sanctions would severely hamper the above projects and investments

.Although these sanctions are unilateral sanctions, imposed by Washington alone, the Trump administration has made it clear that no company or country dealing with Iran would be given access to the U.S. financial and banking system. More than 80 percent of India’s oil is imported through foreign tankers, thereby making India’s energy security contingent upon the U.S. sanctions.. . 

Foreign companies and even Indian multinational companies with operations in the United States or dependent on the American financial system are planning to withdraw operations from Iran with the advent of sanctions. The State Bank of India has already announced it will suspend payment operations in Iran starting from November. Reliance Industries Limited (RIL) too has decided to halt its oil imports from Iran.

In the past, India was able to successfully negotiate waivers pertaining to Iran from the United States. The previous Obama administration maintained sanctions on Iran but granted waivers to India. Now, New Delhi aims for an arrangement of the same kind with the Trump administration.At a time when both India and the United States want to forge a strong relationship, diplomatic dexterity should be prioritized over transactional orthodoxy. Iran shouldn’t be allowed to be the third wheel in India-U.S. relations.

India needs to maintain the fragile Shia-Sunni balance while simultaneously factoring in the concerns of Iran’s rival Gulf nations like Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Besides oil, these countries have a huge Indian diaspora and are also the largest source of remittances (accounting for approximately 36 percent of the total India receives).

India should also pay attention to the Chinese dimension.

The renewed U.S. sanctions would force Iran to drift sharply toward non-Western powers like Russia and more so toward China. Chinese officials often characterize the relationship with Iran as “20 centuries of cooperation” and Beijing has shown no intention to scale down those ties. Iran, owing to its geography, plays a crucial role in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

China could leverage this as an opportunity to further consolidate its hold. There is a possibility of a petro-Yuan emerging, with China using its currency in transaction with Iran, an important step toward the internationalization of the Chinese currency.

India should strongly argue for waivers regarding oil trade (given Iran’s importance to Indian energy security) and critical projects like Chabahar port. The absence of Iranian oil could shoot up prices in the oil market, subsequently raising India’s import bill; with elections around the corner, a hike in oil prices could mean tough times for the Narendra Modi government.India can contemplate lowering tariffs for U.S. goods in exchange for a sanctions waiver. New Delhi also needs to strongly push for Chabahar and frame it in tandem with Trump’s objectives in Afghanistan – the port would reduce Afghanistan’s dependence on Pakistan and would allow India to engage more constructively in the region.

ndia should negotiate with Iran for a rupee-rial system and efforts should be made to revive Irano-Hind, a jointly owned shipping company that was shut down in 2013. Further, India should coordinate with EU countries along with Russia and China to promote the Iran nuclear deal or any alternative arrangement, in case the United States remains firm on sanctions. India needs to do a holistic assessment of the situation and not tie itself to any particular country. Realpolitik, so to speak.

Who are already feeling the pinch?The ordinary Iranians, who are to be supposedly protected by the sanctions.The sanctions have hit Iran at a time when its unemployment is rising, the country’s currency has collapsed and demonstrators are taking to the streets to protest social issues and labor unrest

Referring to US sanctions on oil import from Iran, Rahaghi said his country has been a reliable energy partner for India and that Iran always follows a "rationale pricing" of oil, which ensures the interest of both consumers and suppliers. "If India were to replace Iran with countries like Saudi Arabia, Russia, Iraq, the US and others for the 10 per cent of its oil demand then it may have to revert to dollar-denominated imports which mean higher CAD (Current Account Deficit) and deprivation of all other privileges Iran has offered to India," Rahaghi said.The senior Iranian diplomat said it was important to work together to immunize the relationship between the two countries through adoption of necessary instruments and mechanisms

The challenges

First, progress in Chabahar may depend on which way relations develop between Iran and the United States. It is important to note here that India needs Washington’s support on the international stage especially on issues like its membership bid in the NSG (Nuclear Suppliers’ Group).

Second, relations with Iran will also require a delicate balancing act on the part of India given its own relations with countries like the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia — also with countries like Israel, which has a fraught history with Iran.

Third, in case New Delhi cuts down on oil imports from Iran, it needs to find alternative sources from where to source oil. Consumers in India are already feeling the pinch owing to rising oil prices and given the fact that India faces elections next year, the central government cannot overlook the political ramifications of rising oil prices.

Given its growing profile on the international stage, New Delhi will be called upon to take a decision on issues like its ties with Iran and it can no longer afford to sit on the fence. But in this situation, sitting on the fence would have been the best course of action.

and India Ports Global Limited (IPGL) was signed.

Just how important is Chabahar to India’s geopolitical interests?

First, given the fact that Pakistan does not allow India overland transit rights through its territory, Chabahar is crucial for India’s access to Afghanistan and beyond. India has a huge stake in Afghanistan and its stability and New Delhi is one of the biggest international donors in Afghanistan. The security situation in Afghanistan is a concern for India as in December 1999, the Taliban had hijacked an Indian airliner to Kandahar in Afghanistan and India had to release three terrorists in exchange for the hostages.

Second, given the fact that India has not joined the China-led Belt and Road Initiative due to concerns over sovereignty and transparency, Chabahar assumes great importance for India. Gwadar port in Pakistan (which is a part of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor) is less than 100 kms away from Chabahar. Beijing has also been rapidly making inroads into India’s neighborhood through its so-called “string of pearls strategy,” which has seen it helping with port development in Gwadar (Pakistan), Hambantota (Sri Lanka), Chittagong (Bangladesh), and Kyaukpyu (Myanmar).

Third, access to Chabahar port is important for India’s energy security. As a growing economy, India has been eyeing the energy-rich Central Asian countries. Natural gas from Central Asia could be exported to India via the Chabahar port. India is already a part of projects like the Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India (TAPI) pipeline.

Fourth, India is also a part of the International North-South Transport Corridor, which aims to move freight between India and countries like Iran, Armenia, Azerbaijan, the Central Asian countries and Russia. Hence, in India’s scheme of things, Chabahar acquires critical importance.

ISIS

Investigators say ISIS recruiters and trainers use the Internet, the phone and one-on-one meetings for indoctrinating Indian youth and getting them to travel to Syria, Libya or Iraq. A number of Indian recruits have travelled from home, or places where they are staying abroad. ISIS propaganda and recruitment depends largely on social media apps such as WhatsApp and Nimbus. Of late, recruiters have been using the “dark web”, a class of Internet content that is not visible to general browsing and is not indexed by search engines.

Maldivian challenge 

 China has replaced India as the strategic partner of the Maldives, with nearly all major infrastructure and security contracts of Male being awarded to Beijing. India’s ‘neighbourhood first’ policy has been ripped apart by a quietly aggressive China. Can India reinforce its writ on the ocean that bears its name?

Maldives, 400 km (250 miles) to the southwest of India, is close to the world’s busiest shipping lanes, between China and the Middle East : draw 

India has opposed Yameen’s crackdown on political rivals and the imposition of an emergency this year and some of the president’s rivals have called on New Delhi for military intervention, creating worries in the Maldivian government. The tensions are impacting aid programs such as security assistance that New Delhi has given to smaller countries in the region to help them protect exclusive economic zones, carry out surveys and combat piracy.

India has been demanding that Yameen free political rivals including former President Abdul Gayoom and Supreme Court justices

China, which opened an embassy in the Maldives in 2011, has rapidly built ties with the tropical island chain as part of its Belt and Road Initiative.

Providing helicopters and patrol boats and satellite assistance to countries such as the Maldives, Mauritius and the Seychelles has been part of India’s naval diplomacy to retain influence in the Indian Ocean

But in recent years China has moved in, building ports and roads backed by loans. In the Maldives, Beijing Urban Construction Group Company Limited took over a project to expand the airport servicing the capital Male, after the government cancelled a $511 million deal with India’s GMR Infrastructure

emergency in his country, resulting in Malé withholding work permits for thousands of Indians seeking work : DIASPORA

Part of the problem between India and the Maldives is the belief in Male that Delhi has sided with the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) leader  : PERCEPTION

next to key shipping lanes, which ensure uninterrupted energy, supplies to countries like China, Japan and India.

Around 97% of India’s international trade by volume, and 75% by value, pass through the Indian Ocean, and the Maldives is the most strategically located littoral state there.

As the pre-eminent South Asian power and a 'net security provider' in the Indian Ocean region, India needs to cooperate with the Maldives in security and defence sectors.

a. With the country now said to owe 70% of its external aid to China, many believe that Yameen has done to Maldives what Mahinda Rajapaksa did to Sri Lanka.

he Maldives is also a member of regional grouping SAARC. It is important for India to have the Maldives on board to maintain its leadership in the region. The Maldives was the only SAARC country that seemed reluctant to follow India's call for boycott of SAARC summit in Pakistan after the Uri attack.

India can ill-afford a neighbour, which fails to check Islamic radicalisation. Currently, the Maldives has more people per capita being recruited by terror group ISIS than from any other nation.

There are 25,000 Indian nationals living in the Maldives. India is also a preferred destination for Maldivians for education, medical treatment, recreation and business. ndia and the Maldives share ethnic, linguistic, cultural, religious and commercial links

‘Net security provider’ was a term first coined by US Defence Secretary Robert Gates for India at the 2009 Shangri-la Dialogue as they believed India to be a significant hub connecting all regions in the Indian ocean and this further motivated them to sell their military components and pursue their interest in joint patrols with India in that area. Simply put, a net security provider is a nation not only capable enough to address the hindrances in their security but also that of their neighboring countries and beyond through capacity building, military assistance and even direct deployment.

And it’s not just the MaldivesChina acquired its first naval base in Djibouti in the Horn of Africa. It controls the Gwadar Port in Pakistan and in Sri Lanka, there is Hambantota. In a related development, the Seychelles has revoked its earlier offer to India to allow it to construct and operate a military base on one of its islands in a bid to boost Delhi’s presence in the Indian Ocean region.

For now, the world is witnessing India’s “Neighbours First” policy turned on its head, no matter the propaganda.

Who else is Yameen turning to for support?

The Abdulla Yameen Government in the Maldives is turning to Islamic countries in a bid to resist pressure from the West and India to restore democracy as per their prescription, and to do their bidding in economic, foreign policy and strategic matters.

While China is already there as a confirmed supporter and a powerful one at that, the Yameen regime is beefing up its defences by cultivating ties with Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, all avowedly Islamic countries which are also at the forefront of the international Islamic bloc

How can India counter China in the region?

While the Chinese are quite vocal about their claims on most of South China Sea, they don't similarly tom-tom about their objectives in the Indian Ocean from rooftops. China's operations in the Indian Ocean are quiet and clandestine.

Garnering support from countries that have a stake in the South China Sea is part of India's efforts to spread its influence in the region

China has been pursuing a policy of providing massive funding to developing economies and the move has been paying rich dividends. Chinese debt trap. bound to lease out land and other strategic facilities to China. the Hambantota Port of Sri Lanka. Unable to bear the burden of debt repayment, the facilities at the port have been leased out to China for 99 years.

But China is going beyond ports. The Dacca Stock Exchange of Bangladesh sold 25 per cent of its shares to a consortium comprising the Chinese Shanghai and Shenzhen Stock Exchanges . Outbid indian NSE + NASDAQ  National Stock Exchange and NASDAQ. Will such a hold provide China an avenue to influence Bangladesh economy?

Indians have not been able to create bases in the area, but its Act East Policy has led to improvement of bilateral relations with a host of ASEAN countries. India and ASEAN nations already have a free trade agreement in place. A pact with Singapore for access to Changi naval base has been signed. India and Vietnam have been cooperating for decades. In 2016, they upgraded their relationship to a comprehensive strategic partnership. However, the relationship has been primarily limited to naval exercises. No agreements to provide logistics at each other's bases have materialised. India-Malaysia relations have also been on an upswing. Indian origin people make 7 per cent of Malaysia's population and as such good relations with India matters in Malaysian domestic politics too.

India and Indonesia have decided to jointly develop a deep sea port at Sabang in the Aceh province, located at the mouth of the Malacca Straits. It obviously has strategic significance for the Indo-Pacific region. These countries are also discussing economic cooperation between Aceh and North Sumatra provinces, with the Andaman Islands of India, to include tourism, trade and other economic activities.

or China to be forced to display greater responsibility, it's important for India to have dependable partnerships. In the last Malabar naval exercises that the Indian Navy hosted, Japan and the US participated

Indian defence outlook post-Independence has been centered on its land borders. The repeated wars with Pakistan, and the 1962 defeat at the hands of the Chinese, both along its land borders, had conditioned the country to such an orientation in its defence preparedness. However, having now graduated to a level where it can defend its land borders effectively, India has turned seawards.

The realisation that it has a role in ensuring stability in the IOR has also reoriented its approach.

SRILANKA

a. India will be investing $300 million in this ghost of an airport “where only birds land”, because it is located close to Hambantota, the port where no ships dock.

Why is this about strategy, not commerce?

Hambantota Port is of strategic relevance to both India and China. China can pose serious security threats to India for the Hambantota Port lies in the backyard of India. Now to counter this security threat, India is ready to operate the Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport, despite the fact that it has no scheduled flights.

Clearly, India’s intent is to observe the Chinese activities on the Hambantota Port and gather vital intelligence. Even the Hambantota Port is one of the emptiest ports with almost no ships, and China’s interests too are not just limited to commercial purposes

China’s interests in Sri Lanka not only bother India but also worry Washington and Tokyo. With India buying stakes in Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport, New Delhi would be able to keep a “hawk’s eye” on China and ensure Beijing’s naval movements are well tracked.

Where is the India-Sri Lankan relationship heading to?

The growing Chinese investments in Sri Lankahave changed the dynamics of Sri Lanka-India relations and have also provided China increased leverage in the South Asian region.

New Delhi has also been forced to wake up to the reality of Beijing becoming more influential in South Asia. This realization, though pretty late, has pushed India to accept the concerns of its smaller neighbors and has also made it understand the importance of delivering on promises.

But in real terms it will be difficult for India to compete with China on a project-by-project basis, as India has very limited resources and it also needs to focus primarily on its domestic development. One will have to wait and watch what direction this competition will take.

India considers South Asia to be its natural space of influence, but with increasing Chinese inroads it is forced to compete with China to maintain its position of leadership. The Chinese have used their economic clout to gain strategic footholds and will continue to do so.

India will have to become more proactive and also strengthen its credibility of being able to commit to and fulfill its promises. India’s benign image and its strong soft-power appeal may come to its rescue, but these would be more appealing if they were accompanied with economic and military benefits.

In the last few years the Sri Lankan government has attempted to withstand Chinese demands and has been trying to pursue an independent foreign policy, but only time will tell how long it will be able to resist Beijing’s moves. Colombo has been welcoming investments from New Delhi as well. It has argued that after its successful conclusion of a free-trade agreement with Singapore it is keen for similar agreements with both India and China.

Hambantota is a very good example of what Chinese investment can do to the strategic autonomy of a smaller nation in a form of neocolonialism. China has been literally buying port access across the globe, which will be intensified under the Belt and Road Initiative and its Maritime Silk Road (MSR) component, which have started to look more like the modern version of unequal treaties, with China being the beneficiary.

How does India propose to check Chinese influence in the region?

India will adopt a broad, three-pronged approach to deal with China’s increasing engagement in the South Asian and Indian Ocean neighbourhood — track Beijing’s activities carefully; pursue its own projects and commitments; and educate and advise neighbours on the consequences of engaging with China.

One ambassador, according to the third official, laid out the border context and emphasised that Beijing had given up its defensive posture and was aiming for a ‘Pax Sinica’, indicating its ambitions of hegemony. “India has to recognise this and make a choice accordingly,” the official said. After listening to all the presentations, Swaraj said - according to both the first and second official - that Delhi’s focus must not be on competing with China on resources.

Instead, she reiterated, India must continue to closely watch all Chinese activities; it must push ahead, with full vigour, its own work, and advise and educate friends in the neighbourhood about how a certain kind of economic engagement with Beijing can have negative consequences for them. This refers broadly to the phenomena of big investments in economically unviable projects with Chinese loans, which then gives Beijing both an economic and strategic foothold and “traps” the country.

India has democratic socialism which is not state-led socialism

https://www.importantindia.com/15275/essay-on-democratic-socialism-in-india/

Socialism means equality in the society and democratic socialism means equality in a democratic state. A communist state need not be democratic in theory and is not in practice.

Socialism: A system of collective ownership and management of the means of production and the distribution of goods. In a socialist society all people work as equals, cooperating with one another for the common good of all.

Democratic socialism: Shares the same principles of socialism but power only through the ballot box. Free and fair elections will determine changes in government and society.

great power combine together to stop anyone from having too much power => doesn't allow hegemony 

some believe that BoP ensures peace => if someone becomes too powerful powers align to provide a counterbalance 

- but actually, every great power want to exercise hegemony though they state they want to ensure the balance of power

=> BoP is a consolation prize though countries claim to commit to BoP for peace (as done in 1914)

After 1918, BoP concept was condemned by critics as one of the main reasons of war 

Woodrow Willson: secret diplomacy in Europe and rival alliances caused WW1. LoN (League of nations) was supposed to provide open diplomacy

Rival alliances (Pre war alliances)

- RA turned localized regional dispute (Balkan ) into continental wide war.

- PWA set unstoppable chain reaction => Austria vs Russia => Germany joined Austria due to PWA ans France joined due to PWA with Russia

before WW1, PWA could prevent wars by

- providing a restraining effect on alliance members: great power must justify its act to other alliance partners who don't want to be dragged into war on flimsy ground which didn't serve their self-interest

=> caution and self-discipline

But, countries considered: self interest > legal obligation of alliances

- italy walked away from triple alliance as it no longer suited them

- British helped france without a strict PWA , as it decided that its in its best interest

=> binding nature of alliances shouldnt be exaggerated

British France ENTENTE CORDIAL : end of franco-british antagonism , settled colonial disputes but not a PWA . But slowly developed 

Arms race

- productive labour diverted in creation weapons of destruction

- germany govt could not raise revenue as its power to tax was limited . it would have fallen behind in arms race in long term. so it saw an opportune moment to wage war when it can

- but arms race does not necessarily lead into a full blown war e.g. in 1980s Russia gave up when it realised maintaining armed resources was becoming unsustainable

Imperialism

- Lenin = Imperialism is final stage of capitalism

- though colonies were important and tensions escalated => but they resolved their disputes

Assumptions

Malayalam Literature

 spoken in Kerala and the adjoining areas.

 The language of Malayalam emerged around the eleventh century AD.

By fifteenth century Malayalam was recognised as an independent language. 

Bhasa Kautilya, a commentary on Arthashastra and Kokasandisan are two great works. 

Rama Panikkar and Ramanuj an Ezhuthachan are well known authors of Malayalam literature. 

Though it developed much later compared to other South Indian languages, Malayalam has made a mark as a powerful medium of expression.

 Now a large number of journals, newspapers and magazines are published in Malayalam. 

Kannada Literature 

Vijaynagara rulers patronage = Telugu + kannada + sanskrit 

Jain scholars contribution

Madhava wrote Dharmanathapurana on the fifteenth tirthankara. Another Jain scholar, Uritta Vilasa, wrote Dharma Parikshe. The Sanskrit works of the period include Yadavabhyudayam by Vedanatha Desika and Parasara Smriti Vyakhya of Madhavacharya.

 Kannada language developed fully after the tenth century AD. The earliest known literary work in Kannada is Kavirajamang written by the Rashtrakuta King, Nripatunga Amoghavarsha I.

 Pampa, known as the father of Kannada wrote his great poetic works Adi Purana and Vïkramarjiva Vijaya in the tenth century AD. Pampa lived in the court of Chalukya Arikesari. In his poetic skill, beauty of description, delineation of character and development of rasa, Pampa is unrivalled.

Ponna and Ranna were two other poets who lived during the reign of Rashtrakuta Krishna III. Ponna wrote an epic named Shanti Purana and Ranna wrote Ajitanatha Purano. Together Pampa, Ponna and Ranna earned the title ratnatraya (the three gems). 

In the thirteenth century new feats were achieved in Kannada literature. Harishvara wrote Harishchandra Kavya and Somanatha Charita whereas Bandhuvarma wrote Harivamshabhyudaya and Jiva Sambodhana. Under the patronage of later Hoysala rulers, several literary works were produced. 

Rudra Bhata wrote Jagannathavijaya. Andayya’s Madana Vijaya or Kabbïgara Kava is a work of special interest in pure Kannada without the mixture of Sanskrit words.

 Mallikarjuna’s Suktisudharnava, the first anthology in Kannada and Kesirja’s Shabdamanidarpana on grammar are two other standard works in the Kannada language

. Kannada literature flourished considerably between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries under the patronage of the Vijayanagara kings. Poets of all religious groups made important contribution to it. Kunura Vyasa wrote Bharata and Narahari wrote Tarave Ramayana. 

This is the first Rama Katha in Kannada composed on the basis of Valmikis Ramayana. Lakshamisha who lived in the seventeenth century wrote Jaïmini Bharata and earned the titled of Kamata-Karicutavana-Chaitra (the spring of the Karnataka mango grove). The other eminent poet of this period was the great Sarvajna, popularly known as the people’s poet. His aphoristic tripadi (three-lined) compositions serve as a source of wisdom and ethics. A special mention may be made of Honnamma, perhaps the first outstanding poetess in Kannada. Her Hadibadeya Dharma (Duty of a Devout Wife) is a compendium of ethics

TELUGU 

The Vijayanagara period was the golden age of Telugu literature. 

Nachana Somanatha, a court poet of Bukka I, produced a poetical work titled Uttaraharivamsam. 

Krishnadevaraya (1509-1529), the greatest of the Vijayanagara emperors, was a poet of great merit. His work Amukta Malyada is regarded as an excellent prabandha in Telugu literature. 

Eight Telugu literary luminaries, popularly known as ashtadiggajas adorned his court. Among them, Allasani Peddana, the author of Manucharitram, was the greatest.

 He was known as Andhra kavitapitamaha. 

The other seven poets of the group were Nandi Timmana, the author of Parijathapaharanam, Madayagari Mallana, Dhurjati, Ayyalaraju Ramabhadra Kavi, Pingali Surana, Ramaraja Bhushana and Tenali Ramakrishna.

 Dhurjati, a devotee of Shiva, composed two poetical works of great merit known as Kalahasteeswara Mahatmayam and Kalahasteeswara Satakam, Pingali Surana composed two works Raghavapandaviyam and Kalapuranodayam.

 In the former, he attempted a literary feat telling the story of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata simultaneously. 

Tenali Ramakrishna, the court jester, was an interesting figure of the Krishnadevaraya’s court. His practical jokes on high-placed men of the time are recounted with pleasure even today.

 Ramakrishna was the author of Panduranga Mahatmayam which was considered one of the greatest poetical works of Telugu literature. Ramarajabhushana was the author of Vasucharitram. 

He was also known as Bhattumurti. His other works include Narasabhupaliyam and Harishchandra Nalopakhyanam.

 It is a poetical work on the model of Raghavapandaviyam. One can read in it stories of Nala as well as Harishchandra.

 Madayagari Mallana’s work Rajashekharacharitra is a prabandha dealing with the wars and loves of Rajashekhara, king of Avanti. Ayyalaraju Ramabhadra was the author of two works Ramabhyudayam and Sakalakathasara Sangraham. 

Early Dravidian Literature

The Indian people speak languages belonging to major four distinct speech families: the Austric, Dravidian, Sino-Tibetan and Indo-European. In spite of these four different language groups, there is an Indian characteristic running through these language groups, which forms one of the bases of that certain underlying uniformity of life described by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru as unity in the midst of diversity.

Dravidian literature mainly consists of the four languages, Tamil, Telugu, Kannada and Malayalam. Out of these, Tamil is the oldest language which preserved its Dravidian character the most. Kannada, as a cultured language, is almost as old as Tamil. All these languages have borrowed many words from Sanskrit and vice versa. Tamil is the only modern Indian language which is recognizably continuous with a classical past. Early classical Tamil literature is known as Sangam literature meaning ‘fraternity’, indicating mainly two schools of poets, aham (subjective love poems), and puram (objective, public poetry and heroic). Aham deals purely with the subjective emotions of the lover, and puram with all kinds of emotions, mainly the valour and glory of kings, and about good and evil. The Sangam classics, consisting of 18 works (eight anthologies of lyrics and ten long poems), are well known for their directness of expression. These were written by 473 poets, among whom 30 were women, the famous poetess Avvaiyar being one of them. In the case of 102 poems, the authors are unknown. Most of these anthologies are of the 3rd century B.C. During this time, a Tamil grammar Tolkappiyam, was written, to understand early Tamil poetry. Tolkappiyam indicates five landscapes or types of love, and outlines their symbolic conventions. Critics say that Sangam literature is not just the earliest evidence of the Tamil genius. The Tamils, in all their 2000 years of literary effort, wrote nothing better. The famous Thirukkural by Thiruvalluvar, in the 6th century A.D., serves as a manual of precepts to guide one to noble living. It expounds a secular, moral and practical attitude towards life. The twin epics, Silappadhikaram (the story of the anklet), written by Ilango-Adigal, and Manimekalai (the story of Manimekalai) by Chattanar, were written sometimes in A.D. 200-300 and give vivid accounts of Tamil society during that period. These are valuable storehouses and epics of dignity and sublimity, laying stress on the cardinal virtues of life. In Manimekalai there is an elaborate exposition of the doctrines of Buddhism. If Tamil reveals a triumph of Brahmanic and Buddhist knowledge, Kannada shows Jain ascendency in its ancient phase. Malayalam absorbed a rich treasure contained in the Sanskrit language. Nannaya (A.D.1100) was the first Telugu poet. In ancient times, Tamil and Telugu spread to distant places.

If one were to identify another striking feature of ancient Tamil literature, the obvious choice would be Vaishnava (pertaining to Vishnu) bhakti (devotional) literature. In Indian literature the effort has been to find out how a man can achieve divinity. The secret behind a tendency for hero worship is love and regard for humanity. In Vaishnava bhakti poetry, God descends on this earth as a human being, to share with us our suffereing and turmoil, our happiness and prosperity. Vaishanava bhakti literature was an all-India phenomenon, which started in the 6th-7th century A.D. in the Tamil-speaking region of South India, with twelve Alvar (one immersed in God) saint-poets, who wrote devotional songs. They revitalized Hinduism and checked the spread of Buddhism and Jainism, while absorbing some of their features. The religion of Alvar poets, which included a woman peot, Andal, was devotion to God through love (bhakti), and in the ecstasy of such devotions they sang hundreds of songs which embodied both depth of feeling and felicity of expressions. Devotional songs in praise of the Hindu god Shiva (the worship of Shiva and Vishnu forms the basis of the broad division of Hindus into Shaiva and Vaishnava sects) were also written by Tamil saint poet Nayanar (leader, master) in the 6th-8th Century A.D. Besides its importance as poetry of emotional bhakti, it guides us into the world of classical Tamil civilization and explains to us the ethnic-national consciousness of the Tamils as a whole. The flowering of bhakti literature as a pan-Indian consciousness took place in almost all the Indian languages during medieval times.

religious books of the Jains and the Buddhists refer to historical persons or incidents.

 The earliest Buddhist works were written in Pali, which was spoken in Magadha and South Bihar. 

The Buddhist works can be divided into the canonical and the non-canonical.

 The canonical literature is best represented by the “Tripitakas”, that is, three baskets - Vinaya Pitaka, Sutta Pitaka and Abhidhamma Pitaka. Vinaya Pitaka deals with rules and regulations of daily life.

 Sutta Pitaka contains dialogues and discourses on morality and deals with Dharma while Abhidhamma Pitaka deals with philosophy and metaphysics. It includes discourses on various subjects such as ethics, psychology, theories of knowledge and mataphysical problems. 

The non-canonical literature is best represented by the Jatakas. Jatakas are the most interesting stories on the previous births of the Buddha. It was believed that before he was finally born as Gautama, the Buddha practising Dharma passed through more than 550 births, in many cases even in the form of animals. Each birth story is called a Jataka. 

The Jatakas throw invaluable light on the social and economic conditions ranging from the sixth century BC to the second century BC. They also make incidental reference to political events in the age of the Buddha.

Sanskirt : Buddha charita of ashvaghosha, jataka is available in sanskrit

JAIN literature

Didatic text ( intended to teach, particularly in having moral instruction as an ulterior motive.)

 The Jain texts were written in Prakrit and were finally compiled in the sixth century AD in Valabhi in Gujarat. 

The important works are known as Angas, Upangas, Prakirnas, Chhedab Sutras and Malasutras. 

Among the important Jain scholars, reference may be made to Haribhadra Suri, (eighth century AD) and Hemchandra Suri, (twelfth century AD).

Jainism helped in the growth of a rich literature comprising poetry, philosophy and grammar. 

These works contain many passages which help us to reconstruct the political history of eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. 

THE ROLE OF SANSKRIT

mother of many Indian languages

Hindu literature The Vedas, Upanishads, Puranas and Dharmasutras :written in Sanskrit. 

secular literature :  Panchatantra 

regional literature 

Sanskrit language is divided into the Vedic and the classical.

Classical Sanskrit Literature

 epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata and the Puranas 

 Sanskrit Kavya (epic poetry), nataka (drama) and other literature. 

Classical Sanskrit literature includes the Kavyas (epic poetry), the Nataka (drama), lyric poetry, romance, popular tales, didactic fables, gnomic poetry, scientific literature on grammar, medicine, law, astronomy, mathematics, etc. 

Classical Sanskrit literature is on the whole secular in character.

During the classical period, language was regulated by the rigid rules of Panini, one of the greatest Sanskrit grammarians.

Kalidasa (between A.D. 380-A.D. 415). He wrote two great epics, Kumarasambhava (the birth of Kumar), and Raghuvamsa (the dynasty of the Raghus).

 Kavya tradition= style, figure of speech, conceits, descriptions, etc., and the story-theme is pushed to the background. 

 purpose of such a poem is to bring out the efficacy of a religious and cultured way of life, without flouting any ethical norms.

purpose of Kavya or even Nataka (drama) is to offer the reader or spectator diversion or entertainment, (Lokaranjana), and also stimulate his feelings, and ultimately give him a perspective to illuminate his vision of life. 

The drama is, therefore, stylized and is packed with poetry and descriptive prose. It moves on a level of worldliness as well as on another level of other-worldiness. 

 symbolism of Sanskrit drama reveals that man’s journey is complete when he moves from attachment to non-attachment, from temporality to eternity

It is achieved in Sanskrit drama by arousing Rasa (theatrical experience or aesthetic sentiment) in the minds of the spectators.

The rules and prescriptions regarding performance, the theatre hall, acting, gestures, Rasa, stage direction, are all given in the first book of dramaturgy, Natyashastra, by Bharata (1st century B.C.-1st century A.D.). 

Kalidasa is the most distinguished dramatist and his treatment of the rasa of love in all its possible manifestations in the three plays Malavikagnimitra (Malavika and Agnimitra), Vikramorvasiya (Vikram and Urvasi) and Abhigyana Shakuntala (the recognition of Shakuntala) is unparalleled.

The Mricchakatika (the clay-cart) by Sudraka (248 A.D.) presents a remarkable social drama with touches of grim reality. The characters are drawn from all stratas of society, which include thieves and gamblers, rogues and idlers, courtesans and their associates, police constables, mendicants and politicians

The 13 plays of Bhasa : most stagable plays of Sanskrit theatre. 

These are some of the best dramas out of more than six hundred written during that period.

Sanskrit literature is replete with lyrical poetry of great merit. This poetry constitutes a fusion of erotic and religious sentiments. In fact, division between art and religion in Indian culture seems to be less sharp than in Europe and China.

Jayadeva (12 century A.D.) is the last great name in Sanskrit poetry, who wrote the lyric poetry Gitagovinda (the song of Govinda) to describe every phase of love beween Krishna and Radha – longing, jealousy, hope, disappointment, anger, reconciliation and fruition – in picturesque lyrical language. 

The songs describe the beauty of nature, which plays a prominent part in the description of human love.

The didactic fable Panchatantra (five chapters), dealing with politics and practical wisdom, which was written by Vishnu Sharma, and the Hitopadesha, the bird, animal-human and non-human stories of advice for the benefit of the listeners, which was written by Narayan Pandit, are literary masterpieces which cross the borders of the sub-continent and became popular in foreign lands.

 These books of fables also indicate that the whole of Sanskrit literature was just not religious or elitist. These popular fables are obviously a retelling of folklore.

The Buddhist Sanskrit literature includes the rich literature of the Mahayana school and the Hinayana school also. The most important work of the Hinayana school is the Mahavastu which is a storehouse of stories. While the Lalitavistara is the most sacred Mahayana text which supplied literary material for the Buddhacarita of Asvaghosa. 

Sanskrit is perhaps the only language that transcended the barriers of regions and boundaries. From the north to the south and the east to the west there is no part of India that has not contributed to or been affected by this language. Kalhan’s Rajatarangini gives a detailed account of the kings of Kashmir whereas with Jonaraja we share the glory of Prithviraj. The writings of Kalidasa have added beauty to the storehouse of Sanskrit writings.

LAW

 The Dharmasutras lay down duties for different varnas as well as for the kings and their officials. They prescribed the rules according to which property had to be held, sold and inherited. They also prescribe punishments for persons guilty of assault, murder and adultery.

 The Manusmriti tells us about the role of man and woman in society, their code of conduct and relationship with each other.

 Kautilya’s Arthashastra is an important treatise of the Mauryan times. It reflects the state of society and economy at that time and provides rich material for the study of ancient Indian polity and economy. 

GUPTA

The works of Bhasa, Shudraka, Kalidasa and Banabhatta provided us with glimpses of the social and cultural life of northern and central India in times of the Guptas and Harsha. 

The Gupta period also saw the development of Sanskrit grammar based on the works of Panini and Patanjali. 

The Gupta period was India’s golden age of culture and one of the greatest and most glorious times. The Gupta kings patronized the classical Sanskrit literature. They helped liberally the scholars and poets of Sanskrit. This enriched the Sanskrit langauge. In fact Sanskrit language became the language of cultured and educated people. Many great poets, dramatists and scholars appeared during this period and works in Sanskrit reached great heights. 

- kalidas, vishakdutta, shudraka, harisena, bhasa

Kushana patronage

The Kushana kings patronised Sanskrit scholars. 

Ashvaghosha wrote the Buddhacharitra which is the biography of the Buddha.

 He also wrote Saundarananda, which is a fine example of Sanskrit poetry. 

Snt literature

India produced great literary works on subjects like Maths, Astronomy, Astrology, Agriculture and Geography etc. 

Books on medicine were written by Charak and on surgery by Sushruta. Madhava wrote a book on pathology.

 Books written on astronomy by Varahamihira and Aryabhatta and on astrology by Lagdhacharya had all achieved prominence

Post medieval period

The post-medieval period in northern India saw the rise of Sanskrit literature in Kashmir.

 Somadeva’s Katha-sarit-sagar and Kalhan’s Rajatarangini are of historical importance. It gives a vivid account of the Kings of Kashmir. 

The Geet Govinda of Jaidev is the finest poem of Sanskrit literature of this period