Sem título

Someone else had it but its older and there isnt like Ummugulsum Sultan and ye

Hi.

I'm thinking of making a master post to keep as the first post that shows up in my page, with links to the posts of each historical figure sorted out together, facilitating to others who are only looking for one specific figure.

On April 1629, Nicolaes Jansz van Wassenaer, a Dutch chronicler, recorded the visit of the Dutch ambassador Cornelis Haga's wife, Aletta Brasser, to Murad IV's sister Ayşe Sultan:

"Some days afterward it happened that the son of a Bassa was to be circumcised; and since a great festival was being held for the occasion, the Ambassadress was also invited to it, where many other Bassas' wives were present. Afterwards, when they attended upon the Sultana, they related that they had been at the festival together with the Ambassadress of Holland, and that they had taken great pleasure in her attire, which was entirely different from the Turkish fashion, as well as in her manners. This made such an impression upon the Sultana that she was not at ease, indeed, she remained eager and restless until she had seen the Ambassadress of Holland herself.

The Sultana, being desirous of seeing the Ambassadress, sent to the house of the Ambassador, Cornelis Haga, two Turkish litters. The Ambassadress was placed in her own litter and conveyed to the gate of the Saraglio, where she was expected. When the gate was opened, all men had been ordered to withdraw, so that none might catch sight of the Ambassadress. She stepped from her litter with two maidservants and was then conducted across several courtyards until she reached the gynaeceum, that is, the women's palace, where the Emperor's wives, women, and daughters resided. The Ambassadress was first received by the Mistress of the Household and led into a richly furnished chamber, and afterwards into another, furnished with somewhat less magnificence.

Then the Sultana Aycke entered, who had formerly been married to Nassuf Bassa, the First Vizier who had been strangled. She approached the Ambassadress, receiving her according to the Turkish custom, while the Ambassadress greeted her in the manner of the Netherlands. They immediately sat down upon the floor in the Turkish fashion, facing one another upon cushions, conversing about various matters.

After about half an hour had passed, the Sultana invited the Ambassadress to rise and accompany her to a round table of fine gold. As they approached it, golden stools were brought for them to sit upon. The Sultana then seated herself, and Madame the Ambassadress kissed the Sultana's hand, while her maidservants kissed the table. Thereupon a separate table was laid for them in the same chamber, which was hung all around with tapestries, and whose floor was likewise covered with carpets.

The food was brought to the table by fifty slave women, each carrying a dish in their hands, one following the other, with various dishes, more than thirty in number, all prepared and fit to eat without knives, and requiring no cutting. The bread consisted of flat loaves, along with many kinds of side dishes. At the end of the meal, a warm drink was brought in golden cups, which were adorned with precious stones.

There were also porcelain cups on the table, into which the refreshing drink was poured. All the food that had been carried from the Sultana's table was seen being set on the servants’ table, upon which the chief lady of the women’s palace was seated, along with the rest of the servants who had attended.

When the table had been cleared, the ambassador’s wife was led into a garden in the palace, where she saw all kinds of beautiful plants, as lovely as anything she had ever seen. Behind it stood a small pavilion made entirely of glass, in which the reflections of all the flowers could be seen, making it appear as though it were itself a talking flower chamber.

Meanwhile the day passed, and they went to rest. The ambassadress was led into a chamber with wall hangings; the beds were covered with golden sheets, the bed linens of velvet, the coverings stitched with silk and gold, everything in the highest degree of luxury and magnificence.

At daybreak, the ambassadress was again brought to the Sultana by the mistress of the court and many slave women, all dressed in brocade, and she conversed with them again. At midday, the ambassadress dined alone at a splendid golden table, beside which stood two tall silver candlesticks, and she was treated in an equally magnificent manner as before.

The afternoon was again spent in friendly conversation, and in the showing of many beautiful rooms adorned with velvet, satin, and other costly furnishings. The Sultana took great pleasure in a horse which the ambassadress had brought with her. After two weeks, when such matters had been observed, it was sent back to the Madame.

On the third day, presents from the Lord Ambassador were sent to the gate of the Seraglio, and the same were announced to the Sultana by the eunuch. Thereupon the ambassadress was honored by her with a gift made with her own hands, and she was led down the steps, all covered with red cloth.

On her departure, gifts were given by her to the eunuchs, porters, and others, and thus she departed, well and magnificently entertained, and returned to her court.

The Sultana was very plain in her dress, of sable, stoat, and white Boccasin, in essence not impressive, but agreeable, she spoke the Italian language perfectly, and showed great affection toward and treated kindly a stepchild from her late husband, Nassuf Bassa; she was married in last March to Chaffis Achmed Bassa, who had for many years been absent in Asia, and while there he was married to her by proxy and in March he was magnificently received in Constantinople.

The eldest sister of the present emperor is named Iuwerhan Sultana; she is married to one of the viziers, next in rank to the Cahimachan, named Regieb Bassa, and she has children with him. His condition was very modest at first, but later he rose in status when he became Captain Bassa, that is, Admiral of the Sea, and afterward vizier."

These excerpts were translated to English from Dutch, from "Het Seventiende Ghedeelt of Tvervolch van het Historisch Verhael aller gedenckwaerdiger geschiedenß, van Aprili deses jaers 1629 tot Octobri voorghevallen syn" by Dutch chronicler Nicolaes Jansz van Wassenaer, on pages 2 and 3.

*This visit must've taken place in 1628, as Ayşe Sultan and Hafiz Ahmed Paşa were married in March 13th, 1627.

Cornelis Haga remained Dutch ambassador in the Ottoman Empire for two decades and was also the mediator of giving Catherine of Brandenburg's letters and gifts to Kösem Sultan, Gevherhan Sultan and Topal Recep Paşa in late 1629.

Hello!

I discussed Şehzade Süleyman's mother being Kösem Sultan here. I only mentioned Şehzade Kasım briefly, but once you read the post, I believe you'll guess why Şehzade Kasım is a question mark when it comes to Kösem Sultan's children.

Hello. I took a long time to answer this one, so sorry!

Firstly, unfortunately, color of eyes and hair is something really specific and usually not something we see in reports. Even when a foreign ambassador's wife met Kösem Sultan's daughter Ayşe Sultan (I'll make a post on this in the future!), she described Ayşe Sultan's clothes, character and manners instead of dwelling on details of Ayşe Sultan's physical traits.

Neither were they recalled to the capital or Edirne— so, essentially once Nurbanu left her son's Sanjak in October, 1566, she only met him on December 22, 1574 when he reached the capital after Selim's death?

Similarly, once Mehmed was deliberately and quietly sent away in the days following Nurbanu's funeral in December, 1583 and upto his accession in January, 1595— Safiye and Mehmed never met in this intervening time?

Hello. I hope you're well also.

I haven't discovered any source that mentions Nurbanu or Safiye visiting their sons at Manisa. Although, the two making such visits would surprise me more than if it's told they didn't visit. Imagining the differences between Süleyman I's sons and Selim II and Murad III's sons and their residences gives anyone a good idea to why Nurbanu or Safiye could prefer not to leave Istanbul in case their husbands died, but Hürrem felt comfortable to leave. Hürrem's sons' rival was far away in Amasya, while the rivals of Nurbanu and Safiye's sons were in a distance of a few blocks away from the throne.

On 1629, Catherine of Brandenburg, Princess of Transylvania, sent a letter to the Ottoman queen mother, Valide Kösem Sultan, in Latin:

"Illustrissima Sultana et Domina matris loco colenda et amanda salutem.Ab illo tempore, quo per divinam ordinationem in regnum Transylvaniae ad serenissimum principem dominum et maritum meum dilectissimum veni, nihil magis desideravi, quam ut Illustritati Vestrae innotescerem et officia mea offerrem; sed cum ut peregrina in isto loco et lingvae imperita nullam occasionem invenerim idoneam, eo factum est. quod hactenus desiderio meo satisfacere non potui; donee aliquo tempore elapso illustris praepotentium dominorum ordinum generalium confoederatarum Belgicarum provinciarum legatus (cui ut fidelissimo meo omnia negotia mea commisi) per literas suas mihi significaverit, qua ratione tuto meas ad Illustritatem Vestram mittere possem. Qua occasione nacta diutius differre nolui. quin personam meam Illustritati Vestrae peramanter commendarem, rogando, ut me loco filiae suae habere atque in gratiam potentissimi imperatoris filii sui dilectissimi insinuare dignetur. Et cum majestas ejus antehae vexillum regni Transylvaniae tam benigne ad me miserit, perpetuo eidem obligata ero et non minorem erg. excelsam portam fidem et affectum demonstratura sum. quam serenissimus princeps dominus et maritus meus dilectissimus, cujus vestigiis insistens, omnium amicorum amica et hostium hostis semper futura sum, quemadmodum in omni tempore et occasione volente Deo reipsa et fidelibus officiis meis demonstraho, maxime vero erga Illustritatem Vestram. a cujus nutu dependens nihil intermittam, quod eidem gratum futurum putabo. His Deum opt. max. rogo, ut Illustritatem Vestram diu incolumem servet et omnis foelicitatis participem. votorumque suorum compotem reddat. Datae Albae Juliae, 6. die Septembris anno domini 1629."

From "Történelmi Tár.: Évnegyedes Folyóirat. A Magyar Törtenelmi Társulat, 1894", volume 17, published in 1894, on pages 423 and 424.

Besides, Catherine of Brandenburg also sent gifts, possibly alongside this letter, to Valide Kösem Sultan and to her stepdaughter Gevherhan Sultan, which are referenced in a German translation of a letter of Gevherhan Sultan's husband Kaymakam Topal Recep Paşa to Catherine of Brandenburg, thanking her for the gifts and stating that both Kösem and Gevherhan spoke honorably of Catherine to Sultan Murad IV and promising that both would write letters to Catherine:

"Was die gemeine geschäffte belanget, haben wir Ihre Legaten eine volkömliche information enthielet vndt durch diesz allein zu erkennen geben wollen vnser trewhertzig gemütt, sowoll wegen ihres heimlichen schreibens, als auch der zukünff-tigen Correspondentz mitt der versicherung, das wir vns alle Zeit bereit vndt willig allem vermögen nach in derselben geschäfften erweisen wollen vndt bedancken vns sehr von wegen der Presenten, so wir durch ihren trewen Herrn Legaten ausz Hollandt empfangen haben, welcher wegen E. D. geschäfft halben mehr sorget als derselben leiblicher Vatter thun möchte, vndt weil er soviel trewe Dienste so woll an vnser, als E. D. Seit, auch zur Zeit Ih. F. D. hochlöblicher gedecht-nüsz erwiesen, vndt wie es derselben mitt dieser gelegenheit avisire, als wirdt E. D. nicht mangeln durch ihm alle Ihre Heimlickeiten hinfüro vns zu erkennen geben. Die Sultanin, Mutter des groszen Herrn, sowoll auch die Sultanin meine gemählin haben sämtlich die Presenten, so denselben von E. D. geschickt worden, recht empfangen vndt sich wegen der geheime vndt trewhertzige Correspondentz sehr erfrewt, nicht vnterlaszend bey dem Groszmechtiegen Keyser statzehrliche meldung ihrer Person zu thun vndt waren beyde willens an E. D. zu schreiben, weil aber der bringer mitt groszer eil spediret worden, als werden sie mitt gelegener Zeit nicht vnter-laszen an dieselbe Ihre freündtliche brieffe zu senden."

"Sâfî, who finished writing the extant version of his history in 1024/1615, mentions besides Osman, Mehmed, Selim, Murad, and Hüseyin, a prince named Hasan as well. Hasanbeyzâde and Karaçelebizâde mention three other names, Süleyman, Kasım, and Ibrahim."

This Selim could not be Kosem's son Suleyman because he was born before Murad in June 1611 but had died within weeks (Tezcan) and they were mentioned in order of seniority.

Also, Bayezid is not mentioned above so is it possible that Bayezid's other name was Hasan?

And it is confirmed that after giving birth to her third daughter Hanzade around 1610, Kosem gave birth to three sons in succession: Murad was born in July 1612, then Süleyman around 1614 and Ibrahim in November 1615?

Thank you!

Hello!

For your first question, I can't affirm that second names for şehzades began during Kösem Sultan's time. I can affirm that Orhan and Selim were very likely the second names of Süleyman and İbrahim (as Erhan Afyoncu had proposed to Kasım and İbrahim, the former erroneously), because other seventeenth century sources refer to them with those names, and so does the letter fowarded to Venice upon Murad IV's accession to the throne.

For Mustafa Sâfî, this is what he says about those princes in "Zübdetü't-tevârîh'i": "Ve anlardan mâ 'adâ Sultân Selîm ve Sultân Murâd ve Sultân Hüseyn ve Sultân Hasan nâm şehzâdeler ki, her birinin târîh-i vilâdetleri in şâe'llâhü teâlâ mahallinde tahrir olunacakdır, vücûda gelüb, bi hamdihî teâlâ her sâl-i ferhunde-fâlde ol gülistân-ı câh u celâlden bir niçe gonça-i devlet devlet-rüste ve her dem nesîm-i se âdet ile bir gül-i gül-zâr-ı saltanat-şüküfte olmadadır."

I don't have this book at the moment to see, but it appears Sâfî didn't end up on writing that date of birth for Şehzade Hasan, if turns out I'm not mistaken. With the princes being in a seemingly order of seniority (Osman and Mehmed, if you're thinking of them, were mentioned in the same page) and Sâfî's wording, it does appear unusual that Şehzade Bayezid wasn't mentioned there, considering other contemporaries - İbrahim Peçevi Efendi, Evliya Çelebi and Mehmed bin Mehmed - all wrote that Şehzade Bayezid was younger than his half-brother Murad IV by just three months. At the same time, the prince mentioned by the Venetian bailo Simon Contarini in his relazione from 1612, who died "a year" after his birth, isn't mentioned too, only Şehzade Selim is. Şehzade Bayezid's exclusion, in that case, could be only as something Sâfî overlooked, like the other prince, and not necessarily be the same prince as Şehzade Hasan.

But as things stand, it would've been very valuable if we had a study of Ahmed I's children, to really put everything in order, as other sons could or couldn't have had second names we don't know of as well.

Such a study would've been also valuable in pointing to us the birthdates of Ahmed I's daughters. You say Hanzade Sultan is the third daughter, but we don't exactly have this information about who between Hanzade Sultan and Fatma Sultan was the older - considering their sister Ayşe Sultan is the obvious oldest daughter of Kösem Sultan and second daughter of Sultan Ahmed I. A little bit of that, I brought up on the post regarding the date of marriage of Fatma Sultan and Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa in 1628 - how the French ambassador called her "the youngest of the Sultanas" while modern historiography generally puts her among the oldest daughters of Ahmed I. It's certain though, that Kösem Sultan - who already had an older son, Şehzade Mehmed - bore three sons betwen 1612 and 1615, Murad IV, Süleyman and İbrahim.

To finally put a dot on the question regarding Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa and Fatma Sultan's marriage, I have made this post.

Necdet Sakaoǧlu in "Bu Mülkün Kadın Sultanları", claims that Fatma Sultan married Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa in 1624 and divorced him:

"Giz'in makalesinde Fâtıma Sultanın saptanabilen kocaları şöyle sıralanmıştır: (1.) 1624'te Kaptanıderya Çatalcalı Hasan Paşayla (ö. 1631) evlenip boşanmış; (2.) 1626'da evlendiği Vezir Çatalcalı Kara Mustafa Paşa 1628'de idam edilmiş; (3.) 1631'de nikâhlandığı Kaptanıderya Canbulatoğlu Mustafa Paşayı, IV. Murad 1636'da idam ettirmiş."

In her 1993 book "The Imperial Harem", Leslie P.Peirce wrote that Fatma Sultan's marriage to Çatalca Hasan Paşa was dissolved by Murad IV later than what Necdet Sakaoǧlu claims, in 1628:

"In 1628 the sultan moved to sever the damad tie that linked Kösem to the admiral Çatalca Hasan Pasha, husband of her daughter Fatma. Angered by his mother's excessive patronage of Hasan Pasha, Murad had the marriage dissolved. Hasan Pasha had enjoyed the protection of the powerful chief black eunuch as well as that of the valide sultan. (...) Murad's move against the otherwise successful admiral may have been the result of his growing desire to shake off the influence of his inner palace advisers and assert his control over prominent and powerful officials of the government. Kösem Sultan reportedly attempted to appease her son with a gift of elaborately outfitted horses and a banquet costing ten thousand aspers."

From "The Imperial Harem" by Leslie P. Peirce, on page 245.

The source Leslie P.Peirce conveys for this is "Venetian ambassadorial report, 2 September 1628, in Hammer, Histoire, 9:127".

This is what Hammer states, in his work's original German, about the matter:

"Er fing nun an, seine Kraft zu fühlen, und die Vormundsohaft der Mutter, der Sultaninn Mondgestalt oder Kösem, welche bisher mit ihrem Geschöpfe, dem Kislaraga Mustafa, in des Sultans Nahmen geherrscht und die Grosswesire ernannt, müde zu seyn. Er zürnte des zu grossen Schutzes, den sie ihrem und des Kislaraga Geschöpfe, dem neueu Kapudanpascha und Schwager Hasan gewährte. Um seinen Unwillen kund zu geben, und Schwager und Mutter zittern zu machen, liess er dem Kapudanpascha die Gemahlinn Schwester wegnehmen. Diess war kurz vorher, vor der Hinrichtung des Schwagers Kara Mustafa, geschehen, welcher seiner Erpressungen in Asien willen geköpft worden; das Harem einer Sultaninn durfte als Zufluchtsstätte eines dem Tode bestimmten Verbrechers nicht entweiht werden, sollte aber demselben als Heiligthum keine Sicherheit gewähren; doch blieb's für diessmahl bey diesem schrecklichen Wetterleuchten der Ungnade des Sultans. Um ihn zu besänftigen und zu versöhnen, wandte die Walide zehntausend Ducaten auf ein Fest, das sie dem Sohne gab, ausser einem Geschenke von Pferden mit Juwelen geziemirt. Einer lebensgefährlichen Krankheit widerstand die kraftige Jugend des Sultans. (...) b) Regina madre ha fatto solenne feste al Re, ha speto 10,000 zechini oltro un donativo di Cavalli con fornimenti gioellati per riconciliarsi seco, disgustato il Re per la protezione che tiene del Capitanbassa, che troppo potentemente vien sostenuto dalla madre: per questo mandò il Re a levar la Sultana moglie del Capitanbassa. Rel. ven. 2 Sett. 1628. c) Rel. ven. und im Berichte vom Dec. 1627. Mustafa cognato del Re decapitato per estorsioni in Asia. d) Al Re si e cavato due volte sangue, si era dubitato assai della sua vita; e corpulento e disordinato, si governa secondo il suo cappricio ed appetito, si e risanato in virtù della gioventú e si e ridotto nel Seraglio di Costantinopoli. 30 Sett. 1628. Rel. ven."

From "Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches 1623 - 1656" by Joseph von Hammer-Pürgstall, on page 99.

The words used by Joseph von Hammer don't imply the dissolution of the marriage at all. Rather, the word "wegnehmen" translate to "take away" or "seize". This is also true for the words used in the Relazione that Hammer references, "a levar" means "take away". Both of them don't imply a dissolution of marriage, but that Murad IV took Fatma Sultan away from her husband. Joseph von Hammer himself, as I'll show at the end, even mentions that Fatma Sultan and Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa are married pages later in his text after this date.

Moreover, an important mistake is made by Joseph von Hammer in his own text: while refering two Relazioni, one that says in September 2nd, 1628, Murad took Fatma Sultan away from her husband Hasan Paşa, and another from December 1627 that Kara Mustafa Paşa, Murad's brother-in-law, was executed in Anatolia, in his own text Hammer contradicts the dates of the Relazioni and says Kara Mustafa Paşa's execution happened after Fatma Sultan was taken away from Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa. This is probably a confusion. For this reason, I believe, a few modern historians claimed Fatma Sultan married Hasan Paşa as first husband and then, after a divorce, married Kara Mustafa Paşa after as second husband. My findings in the reports of French ambassador Philippe de Harlay don't support this. Rather, Kara Mustafa Paşa was Fatma Sultan's first husband, whom she was married to for a year and almost two months before his execution on December 11th, 1627, and Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa was her second husband, whom she married on April 1628, and whom she was never divorced from.

Was there ever a dissolution of the marriage between Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa and Fatma Sultan in 1628?

As I have discussed above, there seems to be a misunderstanding caused by both the confusion regarding the date of Kara Mustafa Paşa's execution and possibly a translation error.

A report sent to Rome on January 10th, 1629, shows that Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa was still the husband of Murad IV's sister and was very influential, although the report conveys the false rumor he would become Beylerbeyi of Egypt:

"Il Generalo del Mare que di presente governa per la intercessioni della moglie sorella del Rè si spera que farà Bassà del Cairo, poiché quello fù fatto è stato levato."

From "Gualterucci Alexandri, Badelli Antonii et Reggio Roma, Lonato Petri Antonii Mediolano, incertorum ex variis urbibus monita seu nuntii (vulgo avvisi) missa ad Franciscum Mariam II, Urbini ducem." on Archive "Manuscript - Urb.lat.1099.pt.1", on page 147r. Link: https://digi.vatlib.it/view/MSS_Urb.lat.1099.pt.1

The French ambassador Philippe de Harlay doesn't report a dissolution of Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa and Fatma Sultan's marriage. The dating of the Relazione mentioned by Hammer for Murad IV taking away Fatma from Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa is September 2nd, 1628. But in his dispatches after this date, Philippe de Harlay continues to refer to Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa as a brother-in-law of Murad IV and as an influential man at the Ottoman court.

On his dispatch dated November 10th, 1629, the French ambassador Philippe de Harlay mentions that the "four brothers-in-law" of Murad IV, including Kaymakam Damad Topal Recep Paşa, would be opponents of the Grand Vizier, and that the four of them are under the influence of their wives, who were influential through Valide Kösem Sultan:

"On escrit qui les quatre beaux freres du Grand Sgr quy ne l'ayment font, chercheront a le ruyner et le vouldront rendre garoud de tout levénément de cette guerre, bien qu'eup mesme l'ayent conseillee fous ce d'affayre de luy et demeurér icy maistres des affayres lar le moyen de leurs femmes lesquelles possédent absoluement la Sultane Mere du Grand Sgr, tellement puyssante et authoritee que cela ne se peult réprésentér."

From "Papiers de l'ambassade de Philippe de Harlay, comte de Césy, à Constantinople", on Archive 16153 or "IV Minutes et quelques copies de dépêches de Mr de Césy, janvier 1628-décembre 1631", on page 233. Link: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9063795s/f262.item.zoom

Another report of Philippe de Harlay, mentioning the "four brothers-in-law", in November 29th, 1629:

"Toutesfois il ce void qui les principaulx de la loy s'assemblent souvant che luy pour consulter des voyes quils pourrant tenir pour pour le garantir de l'oppression dudit Caymacam et des troys aultre beaus freres du Grand Sgr lesquels par le moyen de leurs femmes ce donnent la license de fayre tout quy leur plaisé, et tient on qui dans ces coloques il fest supposé de changer pour son extreme imbecillité et qui qu'il fallait attendre pour cet effect le retour du premier Vizir grand ennemy des quatre beaux freres."

From "Papiers de l'ambassade de Philippe de Harlay, comte de Césy, à Constantinople", on Archive 16153 or "IV Minutes et quelques copies de dépêches de Mr de Césy, janvier 1628-décembre 1631", on page 239. Link: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9063795s/f269.item.zoom

The fact that Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa is among the "four brothers-in-law" frequently mentioned by Philippe de Harlay is confirmed on another dispatch, dated December 9th, 1629, on which Philippe de Harlay states that the most powerful men of the Porte are Damad Kaymakam Topal Recep Paşa and Kaptan-i Derya Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa, referencing to Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa as part of the "four brothers-in-law":

"Il est vray qui le Mofty durant ces desordres fait ce qu'il peult pour y apporter quelques remeddes, mays luy mesme ne seult s'exemptér de l'oppression des quatre beaux freres du Grand Sgr dont les deux a scavoir le Caymacam et le Bacha de la Mer gouviernent tout."

From "Papiers de l'ambassade de Philippe de Harlay, comte de Césy, à Constantinople", on Archive 16153 or "IV Minutes et quelques copies de dépêches de Mr de Césy, janvier 1628-décembre 1631", on page 247. Link: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9063795s/f277.item.zoom

All these reports confirm that Fatma Sultan and Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa were never divorced or separated from each other after September 2nd, 1628, when the discord with Murad IV took place. Rather, Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa and Fatma Sultan's marriage continued until Fatma Sultan became a widow on August 1631. In addition, Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa was in a greatly favored position after this discord with Murad IV in 1628.

Then what happened between Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa, Fatma Sultan, Murad IV and Kösem Sultan in 1628?

While I was unable to find any reference to Murad IV "taking away" Fatma Sultan from her husband with exception of Joseph von Hammer, it remains the question of what exactly happened in September 2nd, 1628, and why.

Although not certain if it relates to the same event of Relazione from September 2nd, 1628 mentioned by Joseph von Hammer, at least one report sent to Rome, with news from Istanbul dated July 28th, 1628, mentions a curious situation: it states that Sultan Murad IV was likely sparing Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa's life because of the pleas of his mother, Valide Kösem Sultan, and his sister Fatma Sultan:

"Di che qua se n'è sentito gran consolatione per tal nova, et sono per tale effetto stati fatti gran presenti al Bei, che l'ha portata, dicendosi che Dangliran si no levato dalli Assedio di Cafe, et ritiratosi con la sua gente alla volta di Polonia senza esser stato seguitato da Tartari, onde si dubita, che questa non sia stata una fintione a priegli del Capitan Bassà Generale della Armata, intendendosi che con detto Dangliran passava bonissima inteliggenza; É pero il Gran Signore hà spedito gente per far levare la testa al sudetto Bassà; ma la Madre, et la Moglie sorella del Gran Signore l'hanno pregato tanto à perdonarli, che si crede habbino ottenuto la gratia."

From "Tadino Bernardini, Gualterucci Alexandri, Badelli Antonii, Ginelli Dionysii Roma, incertorum ex aliis urbibus monita seu nuntii (vulgo avvisi) missa ad Franciscum Mariam II, Urbini ducem", on the archive "Manuscript - Urb.lat.1098.pt.2", on page 481r. Link: https://digi.vatlib.it/view/MSS_Urb.lat.1098.pt.2

Could Fatma Sultan have divorced Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa after 1628 instead?

No, Fatma Sultan didn't divorce Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa after 1628.

Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa was sent on a mission to the Balkans in 1631, on which he eventually died. On his dispatch dated April 5th, 1631, Philippe de Harlay, on the occasion of Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa leaving Istanbul, mentioned him as the Sultan's brother-in-law, showing that he still was a Damad:

"Et un des beaux freres du Grand Sgr nommée Assan Bacha cy devant Bacha de la Mer doit partir aujourdhuy pour la Romelie affin de treisper tous ceulx qui doive aller a l'armie."

From "Papiers de l'ambassade de Philippe de Harlay, comte de Césy, à Constantinople", on Archive 16153 or "IV Minutes et quelques copies de dépêches de Mr de Césy, janvier 1628-décembre 1631", on page 425. Link: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9063795s/f464.item.zoom

On his dispatch dated August 17th, 1631, upon reporting the death of Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa, Philippe de Harlay states that besides the suspicions of Topal Recep Paşa's involvement in Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa's death and Murad IV's displeasure at hearing about Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa's death, he gave the wealth to Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa's widow Fatma Sultan, who would wait 40 days before taking a new husband:

"Et pour donner compta a Vme. Mte. des couporte d'Helles Bacha telle entendre sil luy plait comme il a ensierement desarmé depuys le commandement qu'il en a reçeu par un capitayne des gardes du Grand Sgr qu'ils appellent icy un Capigy Bachy, ce qui a donne aultant de contentemeut a sa Hautesse quelle a receu de desplaisirs de la mort d'Assan Bacha son beau frere cy devant Bacha de la Mer lequel revenant de la Romelie n'a esté qui douze heures maladde, non sans soupçon de poison car on tient qu'il venuit avée asseurance destre Caymacam. Le Grand Sgr n'a rien pris de son bien jusqu'a cette deure, ayant layssé toutes choses entre les mains de la veufve sans parti, car les femmes ce peuvent marier icy quarante jours apres la mort de leurs marys."

From "Papiers de l'ambassade de Philippe de Harlay, comte de Césy, à Constantinople", on Archive 16153 or "IV Minutes et quelques copies de dépêches de Mr de Césy, janvier 1628-décembre 1631", on page 485 and 486. Link: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9063795s/f526.item.zoom

All these dispatches from the French ambassador Philippe de Harlay presented in this post give a clear answer that Fatma Sultan binti Ahmed I never divorced Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa in 1628 or afterwards.

I would add this particular French journal from 1631, reporting the death of Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa, which refers to him as Sultan Murad IV's brother-in-law and which I have posted before: https://www.tumblr.com/rhaenahanzades/808568319203524608/death-of-%C3%A7atalcal%C4%B1-hasan-pa%C5%9Fa?source=share

If any more evidence is needed, Ottoman historian Mustafa Naima also refers to Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa as a Damad and as married to Fatma Sultan when he left Istanbul in 1631 to Budin, besides describing the political maneuvers taken by his rival brother-in-law Kaymakam Damad Topal Recep Paşa against him that led to his dismissal from Kaptan-i Derya position:

"1040 senesi Safer ayının sonunda [1630 Rebiülevveli başı] Boǧaz'dan gelip şenliklerle Tersane-i Âmire'ye ulaştı. Bu sefer sırasında Hasan Paşa, padişahın kız kardeşi Fatma Sultan'ı alıp damat olduǧundan Receb Paşa kaymakamlık mansıbını kendisinden alması vehmine düşüp Hasan Paşa'ya düşman oldu. Murtaza Paşa da Hasan Paşa hakkinda dedi kodu ve kötüleme yüzünden hareket edip kötü haline dair birtakım kaǧıtlar yazmıştı. Hasan Paşa'nın kapu kethüdası Konyalı Abdülfettah Aǧa ki, Saraçzade diye tanınır ve Koca Murad Paşa emriyle boǧulan hunhar Saraçzade Ahmed Bey'in küçük kardeşidir, paşasına ihanet hususuna yardım etmekle işler tersine döndü. Hatta Hasan Paşa, Özü altında Murtaza Paşa'nın kendi aleyhinde olduǧunu sezmekle yakalayıp katletmek istemişti. Ama Murtaza Paşa uyanık adam olduǧundan tuzaǧına düşmeyip daha önce Akkirman semtine kaçmıştı. Kaptan Hasan Paşa İstanbul'a gelince Receb Paşa makamını korumak için onu azletmeye çalışıp onu padişaha şikayet etmişti.Bu senenin Rebiülevvel ayının 12. Pazar günü Sultan Ahmed Camii'nde mevlid-i şerif toplantısı olup vezirler, vekiller, ulemanın âyanı orada hazırdı. Padişah hazretleri de gelip bolca şeker ve şerbet daǧıtılıp o gün Receb Paşa'nın girişimleri işe yarayıp Hasan Paşa kaptanlık görevinden azledildi. (...) Bu kere Hasan Paşa da damat olduǧu için eli boş kalması uygun görülmeyip Budin Eyaleti ile İstanbul'dan taşraya çıkardılar. Sonra Budin'i başkasına verip kendisini Rumeli'de asker sürmeye memur ettiler. O da emir gereǧi asker sürerek Yenişehir'e vardı. Oradan kalkıp Tırhala'ya giderken Doǧan Köprüsü adlı konaǧa konduǧunda sıtmaya tutulup vefat etti. Bazıları Receb Paşa tarafından zehirlendiǧine yordular."

From "Günümüz Türkçesiyle Naima Tarihi", vol.3, by Seyit Ali Kahraman.

While Leslie P.Peirce uses Joseph von Hammer as a source to claim a dissolution of marriage that never happened, Joseph von Hammer in fact confirms the couple was still married for years after the events he mentions in 1628 and which is what Leslie P.Peirce references. One example is below, of Joseph von Hammer echoing Ottoman historian Mustafa Naima by saying Fatma Sultan was married to Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa when Topal Recep Paşa plotted against him and also that, according to a Venetian bailo's relazione, Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa did expected to become Kaymakam, replacing Topal Recep Paşa, by means of his mother-in-law Valide Kösem Sultan, but this plot wasn't successful:

"Während der Kapudanpascha Hasan, der Gemahl Fatima's, der Schwester des Sultans, zu Ocsakow, schmiedeten wider ihn sein Schwager Redschebpascha, der Kaïmakam, und Murtesapascha, der Statthalter von Ofen, Ränke, ihn seiner Stelle zu entsetzen. Der Kiaja des Pascha, Seradschfade, Bruder des vom alten Muradpascha hingerichteten Serradschfade, both dazu die Hände, aber Hasan, dem Complotte auf der Spur, tödtete ihn, und würde auch den Murtesapascha getödtet haben, wenn dieser nicht zeitlich genug nach Akkerman entflohen wäre. Zu Constantinopel kam des Kaimakams Anschlag, dem Schwager den Oberbefehl der Flotte zu nehmen, zur Reife. Am Geburtsfeste des Propheten wurde Hasan absegetzt, und die Admiralschaft dem jüngst als Oberststallmeister aus dem Serai getretenen Sohne Dschanbulad's verliehen, welcher wissenschaftlich gebildet, besonders eine ungemein schöne Hand schrieh. Hasan, wiewohl von der Sultanin Chasseki, welche unlängst dem Sultan einen Prinzen geboren, begünstigt, konnte doch nicht, wie man glaubte, die Admiralschaft erhalten, sondern wurde mit dem Auftrage, Truppen auszuheben und zusammen zu treiben, nach Rumili geschickt.ª (...) a) Sultana, madre del figlio nato al Re, presentata (heschenkt) dai grandi principalmente dal Capitanbassa, di cui ognuno predica vicino al risorgimento. Marzo 1631. Asanbassa col mezzo della Regina Madre procura di esser eletto Caimacam, ma e scoperta la trama. Mehmetaga voleva esser Defterdar, ha perduto la testa. Aprile 1631. Rel. ven."

From "Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches 1623 - 1656" by Joseph von Hammer-Pürgstall, on page 128.

In fact, like Mustafa Naima and the Venetian relazione from April 1631, the ambassador Philippe de Harlay also mentions that Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa was said to be given the place of Kaymakam, replacing Topal Recep Paşa, who was ill with gout and "useless", on Philippe de Harlay's dispatch of June 30th, 1630:

"Le Bacha de la Mer est party de ce part avée quarante galeres et se tiene depuys quelques jours vers la Colonne de Pompée icy pres a l'amboncheuse du Canal de la Mer Noyre attendant des nouvelles des Barques qu'on dit estre dessondues par le Tanays et par le Boristhene. Et duránt ce sejour il s'est parlé de le faire Caymacam pour les cepticemes incommeddités des gouttes qui vendent innutille celuy qui occuppe cette charge."

From "Papiers de l'ambassade de Philippe de Harlay, comte de Césy, à Constantinople", on Archive 16153 or "IV Minutes et quelques copies de dépêches de Mr de Césy, janvier 1628-décembre 1631", on page 318. Link: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9063795s/f351.item.zoom

A dispatch from the French ambassador Philippe de Harlay dated April 3rd, 1628 mentions the wedding between Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa and Fatma Sultan:

"Et revenant a celle des peres jesuites Vre Mte entendra sil luy plaist comme le Bacha de la Mer voyant que les offices du mofty et les siens n'avarent pu empescher leur Embarquement il donna ordre aux chasteaux Barbarie quy font sous la charge de ne laisser pays les peres et de les fayre revenir avec le chaoux quy les accompagnoit, ce quy fut executé, mays le Caymacam prenant la chose pour affront et jugeant de quelle part elle venoit les fait répartir et envoyer avec des cour du Grand Sgr bien que sa Haultesse sache rien de cet affayre, et le premier jour que ledit Caymacam et le Bacha de la mer se trouverent au Divan ils eurent quelques parolle assez biquantes sur ce subject et fin quelque aultre lequel estant plus apparant sur le subject de leurs charges la Sultane Mere du Grand Sgr envoya querir le Mofty et aux deux pour leur commander de vivre du amitié affin que sa Haultesse en futi mieulx servie, et que les nopces du Bacha de la Mer avec la plus jeune des Sultanes se passassent avec plus d'allegresse de Porte."

From "Papiers de l'ambassade de Philippe de Harlay, comte de Césy, à Constantinople", on Archive 16153 or "IV Minutes et quelques copies de dépêches de Mr de Césy, janvier 1628-décembre 1631", on page 32. Link: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9063795s/f41.item.zoom

One interesting point of the report above is the description of Fatma Sultan as "la plus jeune des Sultanes" or "the youngest of the Sultanas" in 1628. Modern historians frequently place Fatma Sultan among the eldest daughters of Ahmed I. Necdet Sakaoǧlu has suggested that Hanzade Sultan was younger than Fatma Sultan, while Merve Çakır in "IV.Mehmed'in Ailesi ve Hanedan Politikası" suggested Atike Sultan as the youngest of Ahmed I's daughters because of her lower stipend compared to her sisters, but Philippe de Harlay referred to Fatma Sultan as the youngest.

Another point noteworthy in this dispatch is the rivalry between Kaymakam Damad Topal Recep Paşa, who was Gevherhan Sultan binti Ahmed I's husband, and Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa being straightened out and suppressed by Valide Kösem Sultan, who undoubtedly had an interest in maintaining the peace and the wedding taking place as Çatalcalı Hasan Paşa was a consolidated political ally of hers.

A dispatch of French ambassador Philippe de Harlay from April 17th, 1628, refers that the wedding celebrations had happened:

"Sire, durát les nopces du Bacha de la Mer avec une sœur du Grand Sgr dont les céremonies et rejouissances ont duré quelques jours, (...)"

From "Papiers de l'ambassade de Philippe de Harlay, comte de Césy, à Constantinople", on Archive 16153 or "IV Minutes et quelques copies de dépêches de Mr de Césy, janvier 1628-décembre 1631", on page 37. Link: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9063795s/f47.item.zoom

As discussed in my previous post, Fatma Sultan, daughter of Ahmed I and Kösem Sultan, and the sister of Murad IV, married her first husband Kara Mustafa Paşa, on October 17th, 1626.

The Relazione of Giorgio Giustinian, from 1627, gives as a reason for Kara Mustafa Paşa's execution that he extorted from others while on Anatolia and kept it for himself, thus receiving his end from Murad IV:

"Mustaffà, fatto in Asia le medesime et maggiori estorsioni, ma convertite per la maggior parte in sé medesimo, provò con la perdita della testa il sdegno di Sua Maestà."

From "Giorgio Giustinian (1627), Relazioni di ambasciatori veneti al Senato", by Pedani, on page 596.

The extortions as part of the reason of Mustafa Paşa's execution is noted in a Relazione from December 1627, presented in Joseph von Hammer's "Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches 1623 - 1656", on page 99.

The French ambassador Philippe de Harlay, on his dispatch dated December 12th, 1627, stated that Kara Mustafa Paşa had been executed the previous day, on December 11th, 1627, for (1) not obeying Murad IV's command to go to Trabzon and (2) for other complaints made against him. To have Kara Mustafa Paşa killed, Murad commanded his sister Fatma Sultan to visit Topkapı, thus making her leave the side of her husband, who as soon as she left was executed by the bostancıbaşı. Murad IV consoled Fatma Sultan with her husband's one million fortune.

"Sire, j'ay faict cy-devant entendre a Vre. Mte. le commandement que Mostafa Bacha beau frere du grand sgr avoit receu de sachenimer a Trebisonde pour y passer l'hiner. Mays ce son personnage ayout fait le malade de resolut de venir a Constantinople dont sa Hautesse se bigna tellement. Que joygnante cette desobeissance a plusieurs grande méffaits et à des plaintes extremes contre luy, nous sceusmes hier comme le grand sgr envoya querir sa sœur dans le Sarrail et sy fut quelle fut partie d'aupres de son mary le Bostangy Bachy y arriva et en entrant dans sa chambre luy alla bayser la veste, mays il jugea bien qu'une salutation sy extrordinaire avoit quelque dangereuse, fuite. Et de fait le Bostangy Bachy tira un papier de bon sein et layant baysé comme un ordre escrit de la main du grand sgr il le presenta audit Mostafa lequel layant ouvert y trouva les mots qui suyvant Mostafa aupprenés a obeir et portés de ce monde. (...) Voylla Sire quelle a esté sa fin, et ainsy dont apres que le Bostangy Bachy fut de retour au Sarrail du grand sgr fit appeller sa sœur et pour la consoller luy donna tout le bien dudit Mostafa qui monte a plus d'un million d'or, mays sa Hautesse a commande qu'on vende tout ce qu'il avoit mal pris dans lassie nemeur icy pres ou il estoit allé en commission ce qui montera a troys cents mille escus selon per les memoyres des plaintes qui ont esté faits contre luy."

From "Papiers de l'ambassade de Philippe de Harlay, comte de Césy, à Constantinople", on Archive 16150 or "I Minutes et copies d'un très grand nombre de dépêches et de lettres de Mr de Césy à la Cour et à divers personnages, et autres papiers relatifs à son ambassade, décembre 1619-décembre 1627", on pages 734 & 735. Link: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9064315p/f348.item.zoom

On his letter dated October 18th, 1626, the French ambassador Philippe de Harlay stated that the wedding of the Sultan's sister had occured the day before (October 17th, 1626) with the Paşa who had returned from Cairo:

"Hier le fit le mariage d'une sœur du grand sgr avec le Bacha qui veint ces jours passés du Cayre on il trailta tres mal une feloque françoyse quil a amenée icy en triomphe avec dix pauvres françoys quil fait passer pour corsayres bien quil aye puis la polacre et aup dans le port d'Alexandrie d'Egipte faysant leurs changement"

From "Papiers de l'ambassade de Philippe de Harlay, comte de Césy, à Constantinople", available on the archive "Français 16150" under the name "I Minutes et copies d'un très grand nombre de dépêches et de lettres de Mr de Césy à la Cour et à divers personnages, et autres papiers relatifs à son ambassade, décembre 1619-décembre 1627", on the page 585. Link: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9064315p/f199.item.zoom

Was Şehzade Süleyman or Şehzade Kasım the prince known as Orhan? In 1623, after Murad IV's accession, a letter was sent to Venice in which it was stated that Kösem had two living sons named Orhan and Selim.

The identity of Selim is very likely the same as Sultan Ibrahim, as this Dutch chronicle “Joh. Lodew. Gottfrieds Historische kronyck” (edition dated 1698) by Johann Ludwig Gottfried says this: "Amurath, desomgebraghten Ofmans Broeder; regeerde over't Turck sche Rijck tot Anno 1640. Viel doe in een hittige Koorts, welcke hem wegh nam in't begin van Februarius: latende de Throon na aen fijnen Broeder Selym; naderhand by figne Krooningh genoemd Ibrahim d'I."

As for Orhan, there are two options, either Süleyman or Kasım. The Ottoman historian Mustafa Naima mentioned Şehzade Kasım as Kösem's son in his chronicle and I think this might be the reason why he’s believed by many to be the Orhan mentioned in the letter as her son: "Sultan Kasım: Bu dahi sarsar-ı berg-rîz-i kahr-i Murad Han'a uğramış mağdûrdur. Bunun vâlidesi de Kösem Sultan'dır." Târih-i Na'îmâ, p. 435

But I strongly disagree with Kasım being Orhan, because I believe this prince is Süleyman. I have found a letter from Monsieur Montholieu dated 5 September 1635 available in "« Traictez et ambassades de Turquie. » Recueil de pièces relatives à l'histoire des relations diplomatiques de la France avec le Levant. 1528-1640", number 4771, f.142 and 143, which is an archive kept in the Bibliothèque nationale de France (it's available to be viewed in the website too). The letter says the following: "Or le sour du mesme jour que cette solemnité fut ainsy commencee ledit Aga va trouuer le Caimacan & le Bostengi Baschi (ce sont deux ministres de cet Empire que en l'absence du G.S. ont la direction des affaires & le pouucr absolu de la police & de la justice) il leur presente un Catacherif du G.S. par lequel est tres expressement commandé a l'un & a l'autre dalfes promptem estrangler les deux plus aisnez de ses freres, l'un estoit aagé de XXVII ans & l'autre de XXVI. (…) Le Caimacan et Bostangibachi vont soudain au Serrail executent leur commission aux personnes de ces deux ieunes Princes & le lendernain ilz les font porter en pompe et magnificence & les enseuelissent au tombeau de leur pere en veüe de tont le peuple auquel la joye de la feste publique fit supporterplus patiemment la douleur de cette inesperée perte qui luy estoit bautant plus sensible que cestoient deux tres beaux Princes & de bonnes mines; aymez & reuerez de tous universellement dont l'un a scavoir le plus jeune estoit filz de la Reyne Mere aujourdhuy regnante qui en a tesmoigné une extreme douleur et telle quelle ne peut estre exprimee que par des meres qui auront souffert une pareille perte. Elle ne scait a qui sen prendre si ce nest au Caimacan qui toutesfois est son beau filz, & qui en cette execution quoy que directment il en fut l'executeur fit assez von par ses l'armes et autres marques exterieures de tristesse que ce coup luy touchait au coeur." I believe this letter makes it clear that Süleyman is Kösem’s son, since it’s a person who was in Istanbul at the same time the princes were executed. It confirms that Kösem Sultan was grieving strongly the murder of her son, who was Süleyman, the younger of the two princes strangled. Moreover, it confirms that Hanzade Sultan is her daughter and that Bayram Pasha is her own son-in-law. Bayezid is clearly from a different mother than Murad, Hanzade and Süleyman, but we already know that his mother isn’t Kösem.

As for who is Orhan: in “The History of the Turkish Empire”, on p.57 by Paul Rycaut, Rycaut refers to the princes executed in 1635 as Bayezid and Orhan: “The Festival was kept for the space of four days, during which two Brothers of the Sultan, viz. Bajazet and Orchan were strangled; the latter of which, as is said, was so brave, and of that courage, that he killed four of his Executiorners before he submitted his neck to the fatal Cord.” The History of the Turkish Empire, p.57 by Paul Rycaut.

In “Recveil de Toutes les Gazettes Nouvelles Ordinaires & Extraordinaires & autres Relations. Contenant le Recit des choses remarquables, avenuës tant en ce Royaume qu'és pays estrangers, dont les nouvelles nous sont venuës toute l'annee 1635”, on p.689 by Theophraste Renaudot, it’s written with the date 12 November 1635, about the princes' deaths on August 1635: “Et que le soir du mesme jour 25. Bajazet & Orcan freres du grand Seigneur, furent estranglez par son commandement”

"It has been brought here the body of Assan Bacha, formerly General of the Sea, and brother-in-law of the Grand Seigneur. His death is suspected to have been poison, as he was only ill for twelve hours."

News from Istanbul dated 10 August 1631, translated from "Recveil des Gazettes de l'année 1631" by Theophraste Renaudot, on page 121.

Original text in French: "On a icy amené le corps d'Assan Bacha, cy-devant, General de la mer, & beau-frere du grand Seigneur. La mort duquel est foupçounnée de poison, aussi n'a-il esté malade que douze heures."

An exchange of gifts between the Grand Duchess of Tuscany and a Sultana that took place during Sultan Ahmed I's reign is mentioned on Maiolino Bisaccioni's "Historia vniuersale dell'origine, guerre, et imperio de Turchi... conte Maiolino Bisaccioni...", on p. 265 and 266:

"Acmetto adunque spedì due Ambasciadori à Vienna per la ratificatione della pace, & dichiarare alcuni articoli della tregua altre volte fatta, li quali erano tali, che potevano causare anche rottura maggiore; furono li due Acmetto Tichaià, & Gaspare Gratiani, quello per ombra, benche Turco, questo per sostanza, benche Christiano, come huomo entrato in gran credito in Turchia, & appresso il Primo Visire. Fù quest'huomo di bassissimi natali, e d'altissimo spirito, di grande eloquenza, di valore più che grande; Imparò fatto huomo grande la lingua Turca, e la parlò così bene, che non era conosciuto per straniero, trafficò il riscuotere schiavi di Turchia, & di Christianità, & ricondurli alli suoi, onde i Turchi lo stimavono un Santo huomo, & quella ch'era mercantia, credevano pietà, s'introdusse in questa occasione a negotii de Prencipi segreti, portò presenti dalla Gran Duchessa di Toscana alla Sultana, e da questa a quella, onde hebbe ogni adito in Serraglio, (...)"

Gaspar Gratiani, the mediator of this gift exchange, lived in Istanbul and worked as a dragoman since 1606 according to Aneliya Stoyanova's "Early Modern Diplomatic Realities: Michael Starzer and Caspar Gratiani in the First Years of Their Acquaintance (1610–1614)", and occasionally left Istanbul for missions of diplomatic purposes, like between 1614 and 1618, when he was sent by Sultan Ahmed I to a mission in Austria.