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Hey folks, it's Dan the Price Man. I am not here to play politics as usual or tiptoe around ugly truths because my ego needs stroking. I am here because I want to lead this country one day, and that means staring straight at the rot eating away at our foundations, especially when it involves the systematic destruction of children. The topic today is the Rape Gang Inquiry Report that exploded onto the scene in the UK on June 16, 2026, but we are going to use it as the clearest possible mirror for what has been happening right here in the United States of America. This is not some distant foreign tragedy we can shake our heads at and move on from. This is a warning siren about the exact same patterns we imported, enabled, and are still struggling to dismantle after years of policies that treated border security and child protection as afterthoughts.

The UK report, put together as an independent effort led by figures like Rupert Lowe through Restore Britain, lays out in brutal detail how organized groups, overwhelmingly made up of British-Pakistani men, spent decades grooming, raping, trafficking, and torturing thousands upon thousands of vulnerable girls across at least 149 districts. The estimate in the report puts the number at around 250,000 victims since the 1950s, with the bulk in more recent decades. These were not random lone predators. These were coordinated operations using taxi firms, fast food shops, and social networks to target girls as young as 6 or 12, often from broken homes, in care, or simply poor and looking for attention. The mechanics were straightforward and devastating. Men in their twenties and thirties would befriend the girls with cigarettes, alcohol, drugs, and the illusion of being cared for. Once hooked, the girl got passed around to groups of men, sometimes dozens over weeks and months. There was filming for blackmail. There were beatings, burnings, forced abortions, sexually transmitted infections, and in some cases murder or driving victims to suicide. The report pulls together victim testimonies that describe a level of organized depravity that should have triggered a national emergency response years earlier.

What makes the UK case especially damning is not just the scale of the abuse. It is the institutional response. Police forces, social services, local councils, health bodies, and multiple governments at the highest levels repeatedly looked the other way or actively downplayed the problem. Why? Fear of being labeled racist. Concerns about "community relations" and "cohesion" trumped the safety of working-class white British girls. Ethnicity data was sometimes not recorded or was suppressed. Whistleblowers got sidelined. Files went missing or were not pursued. Specific towns like Rotherham had 1,400 victims identified in one earlier inquiry alone, yet the pattern repeated in Rochdale, Telford, Oxford, Newcastle, and dozens more places. The report calls out the reluctance to confront the cultural and ethnic characteristics of the offending groups head on. That reluctance turned local authorities into enablers.

Now bring that lens home to America. We do not have an identical setup with the same ethnic profile or the exact same "grooming gang" model that dominated UK towns. But we have built something potentially larger and more chaotic through our southern border policies between 2021 and 2024. The numbers are staggering and they come straight from government sources. Over 300,000 unaccompanied children who crossed or were encountered at the border lost contact with authorities after being placed with sponsors. Many of those placements went through NGOs contracted by HHS. Congressional testimony and investigations later revealed that a shocking percentage of the sponsor documentation was fraudulent or incomplete in sampled cases, sometimes as high as 70 percent in certain reviews. These kids, often from Venezuela, Central America, or other regions hit hard by poverty and instability, were supposed to be protected. Instead, many entered a pipeline straight into exploitation.

The mechanics here work differently but with the same cold efficiency. Cartels and transnational gangs control the smuggling routes. They charge fees that create instant debt bondage, often $5,000 to $15,000 or more per person. For unaccompanied minors, the "sponsor" waiting on the other side might be a distant relative, a paid recruiter, or in too many cases an outright trafficker. Once in the US, the control mechanisms kick in fast. Physical and sexual violence breaks resistance. Threats against family members back home keep victims silent. Rotation between cities prevents them from forming support networks. The work is forced prostitution in hidden brothels, residential setups, truck stops, or increasingly online through apps and social media platforms where the transactions can be arranged quickly and payments moved through layered methods. Some victims are American-born girls pulled into the same networks once the infrastructure is established in a city. Others are the migrant children themselves, funneled into both sex and labor trafficking.

Recent federal actions show the scale of what we are dealing with. The Department of Homeland Security and FBI have run operations targeting networks tied to groups like Tren de Aragua, the Venezuelan transnational criminal organization that expanded aggressively into the United States. There have been indictments in places like New York and California charging members with sex trafficking of minors and young adults. Rewards have been posted for the capture of TdA leaders specifically for their roles in narcotics, human smuggling, trafficking, and money laundering. These are not small-time operators. They are organized, they have reach across multiple states, and they treat children as inventory. At the same time, efforts are underway to locate and rescue as many of the hundreds of thousands of lost unaccompanied children as possible. Door-to-door operations and joint task forces have found some, but the gap remains massive. Every child still missing represents a potential victim whose exploitation continues because the system lost track of them.

The role of private entities and NGOs in shaping this crisis cannot be overstated. During the peak years of high border encounters, taxpayer-funded organizations received contracts to house, transport, and place unaccompanied minors. Hearings on Capitol Hill described it explicitly as a pipeline. The incentives were volume and speed. Thorough vetting took a backseat. Some of those same organizations or their partners profited from the flow while children ended up in the hands of traffickers. It is documented in testimony where experts laid out how fraudulent sponsor paperwork slipped through and how follow-up monitoring collapsed under the sheer numbers. Private money transfer services and layered financial channels moved the profits from these crimes back to cartel accounts or local operators. Legitimate-looking businesses sometimes served as fronts. The financial restrictions angle shows up when you look at how difficult it can be for independent researchers or certain advocacy voices to get funding or payment processing when they focus on these uncomfortable patterns. The system has ways of discouraging scrutiny.

What we have not had in the United States is the kind of sustained, no-holds-barred national inquiry the UK is now attempting, even if their official version has faced delays and the independent one had to step in. We need one. We need it focused on the intersection of immigration enforcement failures, unaccompanied minor placements, and the resulting child sex trafficking networks. We need mandatory, public reporting of the immigration status, nationality, and gang affiliation of individuals convicted in these cases. We need real-time data on how many victims are American citizens versus recent arrivals. We need to know exactly which NGOs and contractors placed children who later showed up in trafficking investigations. Without that transparency, we are flying blind while claiming we care about children.

The problems created by the previous policy environment are concrete. Catch-and-release practices, expanded parole programs, and overwhelmed processing created opportunities for bad actors to exploit the system at every step. Sanctuary jurisdictions that refuse to honor ICE detainers for criminal non-citizens have released individuals who later reoffended, sometimes in sex crimes. The absence of consistent ethnicity and immigration status tracking in many local crime databases makes pattern recognition harder.

Media and activist pressure often frames any discussion of perpetrator demographics as bigotry, which chills honest analysis the same way it did in the UK towns. The result is slower response times, missed opportunities for prevention, and victims who keep getting failed.

There are benefits to the course correction that began with stronger enforcement priorities. Executive actions targeting transnational criminal organizations, expanded use of tools to dismantle smuggling and trafficking networks, and focused operations on child victims have produced indictments and rescues. Reduced illegal crossings in key sectors shrink the supply of new victims entering the pipeline. When sponsors face real vetting and monitoring, the handoff to traffickers becomes riskier for the criminals. When deportation becomes a swift consequence for non-citizens convicted of sex offenses against children, the deterrent effect is real. These are not theoretical. They are mechanics that either work or fail depending on political will and resource allocation.

Specific organizations and groups have driven parts of this story. Cartels like Sinaloa and Jalisco New Generation treat human smuggling as a core revenue stream that feeds into trafficking. Tren de Aragua has shown particular aggression in expanding sex-related crimes inside the United States alongside extortion and theft. On the facilitation side, the network of NGOs and contractors that managed the unaccompanied minor surge operated with government money and often with minimal accountability for downstream outcomes. Local street gangs in various cities have partnered with or been absorbed into larger networks for distribution and enforcement. On the advocacy side, groups pushing maximalist migration policies and opposing interior enforcement have created the political cover that kept scrutiny low for years.

As someone who wants to help steer this country, I see this as a defining test. A nation that cannot or will not protect its most vulnerable children from organized sexual exploitation has already lost something essential. The UK report shows what happens when fear of uncomfortable truths about culture, ethnicity, and integration overrides child safety for long enough. We have our own version playing out with different actors but the same core failure modes: lost accountability, suppressed pattern recognition, profit motives in the placement system, and political incentives that reward looking the other way.

The difference is we still have time and tools to course correct harder than we have so far.

What would a serious American response look like? Start with a statutory national inquiry modeled on the need for truth over comfort.

Subpoena every placement record, every NGO contract, every follow-up failure. Publish annual public dashboards on the immigration status and country of origin of individuals convicted of sex trafficking minors.

Make sponsor vetting for unaccompanied children a national security level process with biometric tracking and ongoing checks. End catch-and-release entirely for any case involving minors.

Treat sex crimes against children by non-citizens as automatic deportation priorities with no loopholes. Defund or heavily reform any contractor or NGO that cannot demonstrate rigorous downstream protection of the children in their care.

Require local law enforcement to cooperate fully with federal immigration authorities on criminal cases involving sexual exploitation. These are not extreme positions. They are the minimum requirements for a country that takes child protection seriously.

New angles keep emerging that deserve attention. The explosion in online child sex trafficking reports tracked by NCMEC after expanded platform reporting requirements shows how digital spaces have become primary hunting grounds.

International networks use the same apps American teens are on every day. The connection between smuggling routes and fentanyl flows means the same organizations profiting from child exploitation are also flooding communities with deadly drugs.

Cities that saw rapid influxes of certain migrant populations have reported spikes in specific crime categories that local leaders sometimes struggle to discuss openly.

All of this ties back to the same root: when you lose control of who enters and who stays, you lose control of the conditions that allow organized exploitation to scale.

The human cost is not abstract. Every one of those 300,000-plus unaccounted children represents a story that could end in a basement brothel, a truck stop rotation, or an early grave.

Every American girl pulled into these networks by the infrastructure that grew around lax enforcement carries scars that last lifetimes. Families torn apart by addiction or violence linked to the same criminal enterprises pay the price in silence.

The economic drag from victim services, lost productivity, criminal justice overload, and long-term mental health treatment runs into the billions over time.

This is not a niche issue. It is a direct consequence of policy choices that prioritized volume and optics over security and vetting.

I am not interested in partisan score-settling for its own sake. The previous administration's border approach created the conditions.

The current efforts to locate missing children, prosecute networks, and restore deterrence are necessary but incomplete without full transparency on what went wrong and who enabled it.

Both parties have members who benefited politically or financially from the status quo. Both have voices that still resist honest discussion of perpetrator patterns. The only side that matters here is the side that puts American children first without apology.

Folks, this is the kind of issue that tests whether we still have the stomach for self-government.

Can we look at the data, the victim testimonies, the institutional failures, and the profit trails without flinching or reaching for the nearest comforting narrative?

The UK report proves that ignoring these patterns for years turns towns and cities into hunting grounds.

We have the chance to do better, but only if we treat this as the national emergency it is rather than another topic to manage through press releases and studies that gather dust.

If you are a parent, think about what it would take for your child to end up in one of these pipelines.

If you are a citizen who cares about the future of this country, demand the inquiry, the data, and the accountability.

If you are someone in a position to influence policy, stop hiding behind process and start protecting kids like the stakes are life and death, because for too many they already are.

We can secure the border. We can vet and monitor placements. We can deport criminal aliens who prey on children.

We can publish the facts about who is committing these crimes without apology. The mechanics are known. The failures are documented.

The only missing ingredient has been the sustained political courage to name the problem and fix it without regard for who gets offended.

That courage is what separates societies that protect their children from those that sacrifice them on the altar of political correctness and short-term interests.

The Rape Gang Inquiry Report from across the Atlantic is not just British news. It is a case study in what happens when truth takes a backseat to narrative.

America has its own version running in real time. The question is whether we will confront it with the same blunt honesty the victims deserve, or whether we will keep pretending the patterns do not exist until the numbers get too big to ignore.

I know which path I am choosing. The kids who cannot speak for themselves are counting on the rest of us to do it for them.

Stay sharp, stay informed, and never let anyone tell you that protecting children from organized rape and trafficking is anything less than the most basic duty of a functioning nation.

We will keep digging into these issues because the alternative is surrender.

Thanks for reading all the way through this one. It matters.