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SudanFunds - website compiling verified campaigns and organizations

Khartoum Aid Kitchen - they operate 12 kitchens across sudan, including 2 hospitals

Saving Al-Geneina / Hope and Haven for Refugees - provides food, medical care, and education to refugees in sudan

Sudanese American Physicians Association's medical aid program - they operate a hospital in khartoum, **the ONLY hospital still delivering babies in sudan**

One Million Sustainable Pads Campaign - distributes reusable pads

FAH Supporting Sudan - financial assistance to sudanese hospitals, backed by the FAH / federation of american hospitals

Community kitchen in Cairo - provides food to refugees who have fled to egypt

Community kitchen in Sudan - provides food for 1200 families

Another community kitchen in Sudan - provides food, only £1,500 raised so far

Sanad Initiative - raises money to keep sudanese medical students in school

Sudan Solidarity Initiative - run by sudanese diaspora, provides direct funds to all kinds of sudanese including farmers unions and low cost clinics, also runs awareness-raising workshops

A Palestinian fighter takes aim during fierce fighting in the West Bank City of Ramallah, March 14, 2002.

Over the years, I’ve considered various ways to define liberal Zionism. It’s not an easy task considering that Palestinians perceive no small number of self-proclaimed anti-Zionists as inhabiting the category. This is the rough definition I’ve settled on: a liberal Zionist is somebody who cannot, whatever their stated ideology, accept or conceptualize Palestinian peoplehood beyond a framework of Jewish supervision. The liberal Zionist insists on defining any contested term in relation to Jewish exigency rather than assessing its impact on Palestinians. Likewise, the conditions of Palestinian liberation are always subject to the liberal Zionist’s consent, according to the liberal Zionist’s specifications. A liberal Zionist can cross the BDS picket line because they have a special purpose in communicating with Israelis while the Palestinian, stubborn and dogmatic, should have no access to an enlightened public sphere. A liberal Zionist can patrol anti-Zionist spaces and, when necessary, condemn Palestinians for using insufficiently humanistic language. A liberal Zionist can speak of “Palestinian violence” as a self-generating phenomenon disembodied from the continuously violent presence of the Jewish state.

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“Let’s revisit what has been documented and theorized and subsequently ignored: that the abundance of the North relies on the privation of the South. This is a simple proposition, demonstrated by a thousand good thinkers, but the myth persisted on the Anglo left that abundance simply needs better domestic distribution. But now we see it in real time: those glittering buildings in Doha and Dubai; those cheap gas prices in the American Midwest; those displays of wealth presented as entertainment…all of it relied on the maintenance of a specific world order both ironclad and incredibly fragile. It’s plain as day now, isn’t it? Somebody finally challenges U.S. authority and, boom, everyone’s economy goes to hell. No longer can Americans, left or right, speak of a domestic politics; the local in the United States is international by design. It relies on immiseration, which itself relies on immiserated modes of thought among the intelligentsia of the metropole.”

Victims of the Saksakiyeh massacre in southern Lebanon, where an Israeli strike destroyed a building sheltering displaced civilians: Khadija Awada, Hani Fahs, Youssef Fahs, Rola Nasser al-Din, Mohammad Fahs, Ali Fahs, Fatima Fahs, Janna Fahs, and the child Maryam Fahs.

An entire family was wiped out.

In Gaza alone, nearly 7,000 families have been wholly or partially erased by Israel’s war.

Palestinian fighters fire towards israeli troops in the West Bank town of Beit Jala, on the outskirts of Bethlehem, August 28, 2001.