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@epedemia
And the land of the free is full of free loaders/ Leave us dead in the street to be they organ donors/ They disorganize my people made us all loners/ Still got the last names/ Of our slave owners
Joey Bada$$, “Land of the Free”
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We been lackin' a vision and barely makin' a livin'/ We too worried to fit in/ While they been benefittin'/ .../The law will get will get you acquitted/ But you still have a forgiveness/ For opiates and syringes/ Then inject this religion/ How many times I gotta tell you I'm a man on a mission/ Many times I gotta tell you I don't need no permission/ A human with supervision/Ain't no livin' condition/ I'm reachin' out to my children/ Jus' hopin' that they will listen/ Start a new coalition/ Against corrupt politicians/
Joey Bada$$ - "Land of the Free"
The ghetto poor have legitimate justice claims against their government that are not negated by what they do in response to that government's historical and ongoing failure to honor these claims.
Tommie Shelby, Dark Ghettos, page 105 (Kindle Version)
Writing blackness after the civil-rights era, second wave feminism, black cultural nationalism, gay and lesbian liberation, the Clarence Thomas/Anita Hill spectacle, the Rodney King beating and L.A. riots, the Yonge Street Riots, and the O.J. Simpson trials, is difficult work. Yet, writing blackness remains important work.
Rinaldo Walcott, Black Like Who? Writing Black Canada, p. 26
#writingmotivation
On Donald Sterling
It's never as simple as "creating the circumstance" that will allow you to succeed - that's a lie that our contemporary liberal-democratic society would have us believe. I will never fulfill my life's purpose; never get to where I want to be; spending 40 - 50 hrs. of my week working in a mundane and meaningless job that sucks all my energy and leaves me no time to do what I feel I have been called to do. I consider myself to be one of the lucky ones whose time will soon come when the 40 - 50 hrs. of the week that I spend "working" will be towards something; about something; that I am passionate about and that convicts me.
This "equal opportunity" thing is a joke. And if we take a look at liberation politics and what it means to be "oppressed" we should be able to find some kind of answer to the problem of simply putting in place the legal provisions for people to be "free" and "equal" in this society. This past week there has been a lot of "broo hah" about Donald Sterling's racist remarks, and at my job there was heated debate surrounding whether or not Sterling's "rights to privacy" were violated. The argument some seemed to come up with is this: "Yes, what he said was racist, but it was said in private and should not have been recorded and put out to the public. You can't change someone’s feelings about something. That's his personal opinion and opinion never hurt anybody."
My position was this: Does it matter if Sterling's rights to privacy were violated? What we have here is an ethical issue, one in which the question is that of discrimination on the basis of phenotype (well I didn't say "phenotype" - lol. A little too heavy for the day-to-day work chatter); a discrimination that has historically had serious ramifications for how people of colour have been treated in this part of world. Would you have the scales of justice "tip" to favour "rights to privacy" when the "the freedom to be racist" is on the other end?
Maybe the problem in the debate (which lasted a couple days between a few of us) was that those who were on the "nay" side of imposing sanctions against Donald Sterling believed contemporary discussions around oppression and racism to be all about "feelings". Blacks are "getting up in our feelings" when we complain and refuse to allow people's racist remarks to go by unnoticed. When we call them out, link it to a past and history, point out that those same types of positions have had seriously negative ramifications for how people live in this world. And maybe this world-view of contemporary North American society (as opposed to individuals) as being post-racist, inclusive, and one that offers each equal opportunity according to his or her own desserts really just boils down to a misunderstanding of oppression.
Or maybe it’s not a misunderstanding, but a pigeon-holing. Experiences and livings of “oppression” perceived as uni-dimensional epistemological positions that hover at the place of the “emotive” and do not move beyond. As an inward battle, one that occurs in an environment that is not hostile but conducive to growth. A battle that one wages with oneself in an effort to understand one’s place as being in the fifth- or sixth-generation of those who were once slaves. But these emotions do not legitimately occur in such a civil society as this. One which hugs and embraces us all as “one” and gives us the conditions that will allow us to flourish as human beings.
But if oppression was simply emotive, then there would not be anything to fight for. It’s not all in our heads; it is embedded in the institutions around us; it colours how we see the world (and how the world sees us) and although not as overt it still determines how we exist on this planet. That, however, is a discussion for another time.
- T. M. G.
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Surely merely to be uplifted means to accept the conditions of exploitation and oppression and to hold yourself an exception within it. To fight for justice is to eradicate those conditions completely.
Dionne Brand, Bread out of Stone, p. 82
I realized at some point that the idea of upliftment had replaced the idea of justice and that equality rather than justice had become what we were fighting for. The distinction may seem slippery, but it is a major one. Did we want only to be equal to white people or did we want to end exploitation and oppression? Because to be equal to the white power structure twenty-five years ago and still today is to have the right to impose inequality.
Dionne Brand, Bread out of Stone, p. 82
Since the experience of patriarchy is mirrored in the world we are trying to fight, it is not inaccurate to say that unusual things happen to Black men and boys because they are men and boys, but it is a lie to say that nothing unusual happens to women and girls because they are Black women and girls. Patriarchy makes us see what happens to men as more offensive than what happens to women.
Dionne Brand, Bread out of Stone, p. 66
For [Sylvia] Wynter, this means that the deepening crisis of “we the underdeveloped” is “not primarily an economic one,” but is really epistemic in nature. Even though it manifests itself most visibly in economic terms, it is a crisis that stems from our failure to institute a new episteme in which we are not defined by a category of lack whose symbols and conditions of fullfilment are elsewhere. In other words, postcolonial crises stem from a failure to radically decolonize epistemes along with ideologies, institutions, and economic practices.
- Paget Henry, Caliban's Reason: Introducing Afro-Caribbean Philosophy, p. 135
episteme*
the body of ideas that determine the knowledge that is intellectually certain at any particular time.
*Source:http://wordnetweb.princeton.edu/perl/webwn?s=episteme
ep·i·ste·mic*
adjective
adjective: epistemic
1.
of or relating to knowledge or to the degree of its validation.
*Source: Google Definitions
They got us all f*cked up.
Big Krit, "They got us"
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The result of this history of insult and degradation has been both fearful and glorious. It has birthed the haunting prostitute, the brawler, and the beast of burden; but it has also given the world an efficient womanhood, whose strength lies in its freedom and whose chastity was won in the teeth of temptation and not in prison and swaddling clothes.
W. E. B. Du Bois, "The Damnation of Women" in Darkwater: Voices From Within the Veil, p. 116
Du Bois on Black women.
Illuminate
Ab Soul feat. Kendrick Lamar
The power of philosophy floats through my head Light like a feather, heavy as lead.
Bob Marley, In Paget Henry's Caliban's Reason
It's worth remembering that in 19th century Europe, the white working class was sometimes thought of as a separate "race". Where there's a political will, it could be said, there's a conceptual way.
Charles Mills, "Do Black Men Have a Moral Duty to Marry Black Women?", p. 143
If all the gangs in the world unified, we'd stand a chance against the military tonight.
Ab Soul, "Terrorist Threats"
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But I must own, to the shame of my own countrymen, that I was first kidnapped and betrayed by some of my own complexion, who were the first cause of my exile, and slavery; but if there were no buyers there would be no sellers... But I may safely say, that all the poverty and misery that any of the inhabitants of Africa meet with among themselves, is far inferior to those inhospitable regions of misery which they meet with in the West-Indies, where their hard-hearted overseers have neither Regard to the laws of God, nor the life of their fellow-men.
NARRATIVE of the Enslavement of OTTOBAH CUGOANO, 1787
Labor omnia vincit* *Labor conquers all
Du Bois, 1919