The Crucible Centre for Human Rights Research is an interdisciplinary University Research Centre, home to international experts conducting research, training and teaching in the field of human rights, social justice and international relations.
www.roehampton.ac.uk/crucible/
Ted Tan, MA Human Rights student at Roehampton, writes about his experience as a Human Rights Activist in Singapore and why he chose to study Human Rights at Roehampton. This article has been submitted on behalf of #Roeactivism, Roehamptonâs 16 days of Activism.
As a human rights activist, I found that in trying to persuade another of the merits of human rights values, I sometimes struggle to offer a substantive defence beyond the basic premise of 'we have human rights because we are all human'. After all, I come from Singapore â yes, the once Champion of 'Asian Values'. Although recent remarks by some of the top diplomats seem to indicate that human rights is somewhat âacceptableâ after all; albeit with the usual caveats of context. So it is all too easy for me to encounter cynics and sceptics, some of whom I count as friends, expressing doubt on the applicability of human rights in a country where communitarian values are officially prized over individual rights and meritocracy valorised as a key pillar of governance.
This inevitably raises the question on how else I could better persuade and convince more of my fellow citizens of the validity and universality of human rights. A case in point is the on-going struggle to obtain for migrant domestic workers full recognition as workers and their entitlement for a full off-day. I have sat through closed door consultation whereby employers have loudly remarked that they don't need âthem (domestic workers) to know their rightsâ.
While I could perhaps acquire knowledge through self-study from books and the internet, it has been tough to balance between familial obligations and full-time work that has little to do with human rights; and not to mention the administrative and organising grind of voluntary advocacy work. There were few spare moments to reflect more deeply on the experience and to reconcile the practice with nagging questions. Also, there was simply a lack of peers who could entertain or join my quest to fulfil the intellectual hunger that gnaws at me. With such relatively barren ground for the purpose of my quest, I could only look outwards.
Although it sounds ironic, but thanks to the pragmatism that is ingrained in all Singaporeans, Roehampton won out as one of the more cost effective choice out some of the few UK universities that offer Human Rights studies beyond the legal perspective. For that I am extremely grateful for the VC Scholarship offered by the university that certainly helped in defraying the tuition fees. Thus in pursuing a MA in Human Rights and International Relations, aside from satisfying my own curiosities, I also hope to contribute in my own small way toward future human rights work at both local and regional levels.Â
Ted Tan - MA Human Rights student at University of Roehampton.
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The Right to Life-Abolishing the Death Penalty Worldwide
Samantha Bashford, second year Sociology student at Roehampton, writes about the death penalty and its undermining of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This article has been submitted on behalf of #Roeactivism, Roehamptonâs 16 days of Activism.
The method of punishment by death seems a completely prehistoric concept in contemporary society. It is the ultimate denial of human rights, destroying an individualâs right to life and is essentially murder. The Universal Human Rights declaration, signed in 1948, clearly states that âEveryone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.â This statement was made over 65 years ago and yet, although some countries have abolished their death penalties, many still employ the use of it. Capital Punishment has not been abolished in many states, therefore, many individuals have been subject to torturous executions. The Death Penalty must be abolished as a punishment as it allows judges to âplay godâ. Nobody should be given the right to make decisions on ending life, not even a judge. Death is not justice.
 The concept of Capital Punishment can and has allowed for the deaths of innocent people who have been wrongly put on trial. When found innocent, these people cannot be released, death is permanent and irreversible. Mistakes such as this are evident in every justice system and are made far too often, resulting in the deaths of many innocent individuals. Although it is rare, the death penalty can also be abused by some states against the poor or members of racial, ethnic, political or religious groups. It is vital that Capital Punishment is abolished under international law so certain states cannot abuse it. Below is a picture that Amnesty International used in their campaign on the death penalty; there were many other pictures like this that showed the last meals of innocent men put on death row.Â
Some may believe that the death penalty as a form of punishment would deter criminals from committing crimes as they fear the consequence. However, the UN has noted that the death penalty does not deter crime. It is not an effective method and very much outdated.
The United States and China are important examples to use when looking into the topic of the death penalty. Failing to sign the Universal Human Rights Treaties on abolishing the death penalty, these two countries make up two-fifths of the authority of the Security Council, which has the ability to permit important world decisions. If the authorities of the Security Council are failing to provide the most basic rights to their own people, surely they should not be permitted that much power? The Security Council has the authority to sanction intervention in states where human rights violations are happening. With only five members, two of them still using the Death Penalty as punishment, branding them the right people for the job has been largely debated and often controversial. The US is well known for its Death Row where prisoners are kept before execution. These prisoners are then usually injected with a lethal chemical and killed.
Furthermore, when Amnesty International conducted an experiment on how many people were executed in China they were not provided any statistics, allowing one to assume a high number of people are being killed each year. This is an inhumane way of treating individuals; no-one deserves to lose their life no matter what they have done. If the crimes they have committed were that terrible, surely a better method of punishment would be to keep people imprisoned and make sure the individual knows that what they have done is wrong. If they have committed an act such as murder surely to kill them will make us just as bad?
To conclude, the death penalty very much exists in contemporary society and is still used by some the most powerful countries in the world. Its flaws are evident and killing innocent people cannot be condoned. The death penalty should have been abolished globally years ago. To kill people for their crimes is an old-fashioned method of punishment; there are other ways to punish individuals. We do not need to take their basic human rights and dignity because it is immoral, and also strongly opposes the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. There is no morality in the death penalty; it is simply revengeful murder.Â
By Samantha Bashford â 2nd Year Sociology Student
To take action to help abolish the death penalty or to find out more, visit Amnesty's campaign page here.Â
On the anniversary of the 2008 Mumbai attacks, Amrita Gokal writes about experiences of Terrorism and how they, along with the media and society, have unjustly reinforced notions of Islamophobia. This article has been submitted on behalf of #Roeactivism, Roehampton's 16 days of Activism.
Today, the 26th of November, Mumbai (India) completes 5 years of facing the worst possible terror attacks. South Mumbai happens to attract a lot of tourist attention due to its lively atmosphere. With the restaurants, bars and shops always open. Thereâs always something to keep the people of this city and its tourists entertained. However, on the night of November 26th 2008, a group of terrorists managed to turn the entire city of Mumbai upside down. There was open firing at tourist spots such as Leopold CafĂŠ and innocent people were held hostage in the two best hotels of South Mumbai; The Taj Mahal Hotel & the Trident and Oberoi group of hotels. This went on for 3 whole days and over 166 people were confirmed dead while over 300 were injured. Mumbai had never been that chaotic. It was later known that the group of terrorists who were all set to make Mumbaikers panic were a part of the Lashkar-e-Taiba(LeT) and were trained in Pakistan. However, this massive attack was not planned by a Pakistani. The mastermind behind this was a man named David Headley who was actually American. Shocking, right?
In 2011, a man named Anders Breivik bombed government buildings in Oslo (Norway) and then moved on to the island of Utøya (Norway) where he shot approximately 85 people. At first it was assumed that it was an Islamic terrorist group that carried out this atrocious attack in Norway. After all the assumptions made regarding how this could have been an act of terror in the name of âjihadâ, it was later discovered that Anders, a Norwegian, was working alone and had his own personal motives in terrorising people of his country. The point of this being, before anything was known about the attacker, it was immediately assumed that it was an Islamic-terror group.
9/11 has been one of the worst terror attacks ever. It was all over the news in every country. What I personally fail to understand is why did the CIA detain and torture random innocent people? The CIA appointed a group of doctors and psychologists in order to torture apparent suspects of the 9/11 terror attack. Health professionals working with the military and intelligence services "designed and participated in cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment and torture of detainees". All of this was against their ethics, but it was still carried out. Over 500 innocent people were tortured and after a year when no evidence was found they were released. Again, most people who were detained were Muslim/Israeli college students or just normal working class men. What made the CIA detain these people? Well, a student wrote about the hijackers in his college book, which made him a suspect. There were other such random picks and all of them had one thing in common- they were Muslims.
All these major atrocities have led people to believe that the entire Muslim community is bad. Halloween 2013 and other fancy dressed parties in London now leave me disappointed as I realise to what extent this belief has succeeded in sowing seeds of stereotypical thoughts in young minds. Boys and men dressing as Arabic suicide bombers is seen as humorous and, strangely, accepted. Of course these are often done by students. But, according to my point of view, this is a really shallow thing to do and Iâm surprised how people found this amusing. Considering the Muslim population living in London, I find it a little insensitive to play jokes that reinforce negative stereotypes in such an unsympathetic manner.
Terror-groups have managed to interpret the word âjihadâ very differently. âJihadâ does not mean killing innocent people for their religion. Itâs a reason they use to cover up for the sin they are committing now. I read an article by BBC that explained the true meaning of jihad and it had nothing to do with hurting innocent people. It was more about being peaceful, protecting their religion, doing social work etc. In places like France, Muslim women have been asked not to wear a âhijabâ; however that is against the rules of their religion. How can one be stopped from preaching its own religion? Especially as freedom to choose your own religion is a fundamental right enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Another thing I would like to point out is that when the New York, London, Mumbai and Norway attacks happened, it was all over the news in every country and was a very big deal and it should be. But things like this happen near enough daily in Afghanistan, Pakistan and other predominantly Islamic countries and people are still unaware of it.
I blame media for this stigma that has been attached to the entire Islamic religion. Islam is a religion that preaches peace just like every other religion. For instance, the Daily mail a few years ago wrote about how Muslims were migrating to the UK and then were trying to ban Christmas. This was completely sensationalised and this story is still being shared every year on social networks. Things like this have created a hatred for the Muslim community. I do not stand for such discrimination amongst people. In my opinion, the media holds great responsibility in reporting current happenings of the world impartially. They exist to create awareness amongst people but in reality itâs all for profit, hence the crazy sensational and hateful stories promoting nothing but fear against Muslims.Â
Amrita Gokal â Undergraduate Psychology and Criminology Student, University of Roehampton
The UK Human Rights Act - 'That Remarkable Piece of Legislation'
Join the Crucible Centre for Human Rights Research, along with other Civil Society organisations and academic departments, on 10th December for our event in support of the UK Human Rights Act! Click on the flyer for more information.
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Dr. Greg Kent and our MA students write about their adventures in Bosnia, Kosova and Croatia.
Sunday 28th April
Stolac, Bosnia > Mostar/Sarajevo, up the Neretva valleyÂ
Rita Carvalho writes: Our first day in Stolac started early with the sound of the call to prayer coming from the closest minaret. Minutes later the bells of the nearest church sounded equally loud. We remember thinking that it almost sounded like a âcompetitionâ between the two faiths. Demir Mahmutcehajic, a local politician and former activist gave us a tour around the town and we interviewed him at length on many subjects. He explained to us that Stolac still experiences a huge divide between Croat and Bosniak ethnicities. The children, as Demir explained, still attend segregated schools, and depending on the families, befriending people from a different ethnicity seems not to be easy.
In the end, all of the interviews pointed to similar issues and problems, as the very last one in Sarajevo with Balkans Insight, journalist Elvira. Constitutional reform is the major obstacle and it is hindering the country to its further development. Although people do care about these issues, they are more concerned about keeping their jobs and maintaining a decent standard of living. Questions such as âDo we have enough money to send our children to school?â or âCan we afford our parents medicine?â occupy the minds of most people. And who can blame them? With four governments and four million people (a rough guess as there is no census so far) such a small country cannot maintain such a huge administration; again, one of the main reasons for constitutional reform.
Â
By the time we had finished all the interviews was around 2pm, and we decided was time to see some exhibitions in the city. As such, we went to the Srebrenica Gallery and to the Sarajevo Siege Exhibition. If somehow we thought we were prepared for what we were going to see and experience we could not be more wrong. For some of us the experiences were too personal for different reasons, what we felt, what we heard, what we saw from the inside and then on the outside in the reality were just too wrong. It still lacks explanation. All these crimes are still denied by many of those who committed them â that haunts the victims.Â
Wednesday 1st May
Pristina, Kosova > Shkodra, Albania
Karolin Kuhla writes: After a rather short night in a minivan, passing through the borders of Bosnia, Serbia, Montenegro and finally Kosova (only possible against a payment of âinsurance moneyâ), we arrived at our destination: Pristina. Compared with the cultural beauty recently experienced in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the capital of the newly independent Republic of Kosova appeared less remarkable, but still friendly with regard to its citizens nonetheless. We were, furthermore, lucky to conduct three impressive interviews in spite of the fact that the 1st May is a national holiday in the Balkans. Firstly, we interviewed Albin Kurti, a charismatic, well-read and highly entertaining leader of the Vetevendosjei, an Albanian nationalist political movement, opposition party and activist network. His movement for Self-Determination argues in favour of a reunification with Albania.
We heard a different, perhaps more nuanced, certainly less nationalistic perspective from Linda Gusia, an academic and womenâs network activist. Eli Gashi,the director of Alter Habitus, an Institute for Studies in Society and Culture, joined us for afternoon coffee in the centre of Prishtina. She deepened our understanding of the post-conflict reconciliation process in the region by explaining their project about a collective memory in Kosova and how transitional justice still needs much to be done. With thoughts of these meetings swirling inside our heads we visited the old bazaar of Pristina before we went back on the road, making it in good time to get some impression of beautiful Albania on our way back to Dubrovnik.Â
Thursday 2nd MayÂ
Dubrovnik, Croatia
Our R & R involved an extremely early morning visit to the Old City of Dubrovnik, a walled, once city-state, clearly of incredible wealth and matching piety. Packed with beautiful sculpture, ornate buildings hewn from marble and limestone, the magnificence of the âpearl of the Adriaticâ makes the crimes committed by the Serbian besiegers back in 1991 so incomprehensible... on yet another level. I can remember at the time of the Dubrovnik siege thinking, âsome people (in the UK and elsewhere) only get agitated when a world heritage site gets attacked... where have they been while Vukovar and its people were bombed to oblivion.â Looking down on Dubrovnik from the hillside as we left for the airport, I was struck by how, holding the memory of those who lost their lives in the random slaughter of the artillery bombardments from the hordes in the hills, how impossible an act it seems, how remote those emotions and irrational calculations seem now as Croatia readies for EU accession perhaps propelling the remainder of the region into new perilous waters...
I have a dream
That one day Iâll be free
To express what I feel and say what I mean
And to believe and fight for what I want to be
I have a dream
That all people are equal
No matter of the colour of their skin
No matter where they live and what they believe in
I have a dream
That one day education will be for free
Because knowledge is the key
If we want to succeed
I have a dream
That even though Iâm a woman Iâm still a human
And I have freedom of speech
Dear teachers, respect me for who I am
Not for who you want me to be,
Cos weâre humans not numbers,
You see,
There is one thing you should know:
Seed love to receive love
These are not only my religious beliefs,
This is also what is taught by democracy.
Killing people is insanity
Because killing an innocent man is equal
To killing all the humanity
I have the right to live free
From bondage, chains and slavery
Violence and abuse or being accused and used
I saw a little girl crying on the street
Because she didnât have anything to eat
And Iâm asking you now:
Is this how the world should be?
We students are the future.
And if you donât give us proper education,
Are you afraid of us destroying future generations?
Dear teachers, equality if what you have to teach,
And besides that, you have to practice what you preach,
I have a dream that all written above will become real
Just as Martin Luther King: I have a Dream!
 Written by Amela Cancar, third year student at the Faculty of Philosophy, University of Zenica.Â
Sexual Exploitation, Victim Experiences and Seeking Justice
Crucible's Dr Aisha Gill writes for the New Statesman on sexual exploitation, victim experiences and seeking justice.
Common but mistaken prejudices regarding victims of sexual crimes compound this problem. For instance, it is widely believed that âtrueâ victims are always happy and willing to cooperate with the authorities and that âgood girlsâ would never accept payment for their own exploitation and that they would always contrive to escape such situations. This overlooks both the fact that coercion by abusers exacerbates young girlsâ lack of trust in law enforcement and social services and that many victims are emotionally attached in some way to their abusers. Often described as ânice guysâ by friends and colleagues, many abusers befriend and seduce their victims, taking advantage of their vulnerability. The Savile and Rochdale cases show that abusers further discourage girls from seeking help by conditioning them to fear punishment by law enforcement.Â
One of the greatest challenges in addressing child sexual abuse and exploitation is the hidden nature of such crimes, given that the majority of cases go unreported. In his now notorious email to producer Meirion Jones, former Newsnight editor Peter Rippon casually dismissed Jimmy Savileâs victims as âjust the womenâ: a statement indicative of the hostile attitudes directed, until recently, toward Savileâs victims. It is these very attitudes that make many victims reluctant to come forward. As one of the Oxford victims stated in her evidence at the Old Bailey, âSome pretty awful things happened ⌠At the time I did not feel people believed me. I did not feel anything was being done about it. There was a lot of self-doubt.âÂ
Children are particularly vulnerable to abuse and exploitation wherever there is poverty and deprivation. The reality of this problem must be recognised if cases are to be effectively investigated, prosecuted and prevented. It is time to address the intersection of racism, sexism and class prejudices apparent in cases such as the recent Rochdale and Oxford ones.Â
In November 2012, the Office of the Childrenâs Commissioner published the inquiry âChild Sexual Exploitation in Gangs and Groupsâ. The inquiry found that the vast majority of perpetrators are men; some are as young as fourteen, while others are elderly. They, and their victims, are ethnically diverse. Thus, the current trend to regard child sexual exploitation as particularly common among Asian gangs ignores the statistics. Critically, it oversimplifies the role of the social injustices, especially poverty and neglect, which often lie at the root of sexual exploitation. It also occludes failures on the part of statutory agencies to allocate adequate resources for the protection and support of child victims.Â
Until a coordinated multiâagency strategy is created, a shared understanding of the problem of sexual exploitation cannot be developed and progress is likely to remain piecemeal, allowing agencies to individually and collectively deny accountability, both for their actions and for their failures to act. In the Savile and Rochdale cases, child welfare organisations, and also the criminal justice system, missed many opportunities for co-ordinated, timely responses. Until sufficient training for statutory and voluntary service workers is provided about the issues facing children at risk of exploitation, these problems will remain even if there are positive legislative changes. Effective and consistent training of the police, social workers, health workers, and youth and community workers is essential to implementing organised, effective reforms.Â
In her 1994 poem âThe Rock Cries Out to Us Todayâ, Maya Angelou wrote that âhistory, despite its wrenching pain,/ Cannot be unlived, but if faced with courage,/ Need not be lived againâ. As we seek to encourage survivors of child sexual exploitation to find the strength to speak out about the crimes committed against them, we must also strive to create effective support services. Only then will victims have the help and protection they need to speak out safely and with confidence that not only will they be believed, but that the system will not let them down.
The Legitimacy of the Syrian Armed Opposition: Interview with Jan Egeland - 25th April 2013
Jan Egeland, deputy Executive Director, Human Rights Watch (formerly United Nations Undersecretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator from June 2003 to December 2006) talks to Crucible's Dr Gregory Kent at the American University Beirut about the legitimacy of the Syrian armed opposition and the humanitarian crisis there.
Fifteen Years on for the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement â What can the rest of the UK learn?
By Dr Michele Lamb
On the tenth anniversary, in 2008 many of the key players involved in the development of the Good Friday Agreement were reunited. For some it was cause for celebration, for others there was still little to celebrate. As we approach its fifteenth year, what has happened in Northern Ireland?
When human rights and equality were put at the heart of the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement, not all people working for peace in Northern Ireland were supportive. I had conversations with people working in community relations programmes who worried that human rights and equality legislation would exacerbate and embed division, and whilst they supported human rights in principle, they believed that contact and ultimately reconciliation between divided communities could be undermined if human rights were used by each community in the pursuit of their own aims. This was of course a complete misunderstanding of the purpose and role of human rights. Human rights protect people from a state that too often wishes to restrict or remove them from individuals and groups. They also place a duty on the state to protect the human rights of those living within its borders, and where it fails to do this, ensure that there is remedy. In other words, they make governments accountable.
But there is another aspect of human rights that is important in divided societies emerging from conflict. Human rights can provide a shared language through which individuals and groups can negotiate the boundaries of their own rights and duties and how they interact for the good of all. This horizontal relationship is important where communities may have been manipulated by political elites and armed groups to see their rights and wellbeing as being undermined by the claims of the âother communityâ so that claiming human rights is regarded as a zero sum activity.
However some human rights in the Agreement were notably more cautiously expressed than others. Whilst civil and political rights were present, social and economic rights were limited to language and education. Poverty and depravation were to be addressed through the usual combinations of neo-liberal economic development reforms and equality of opportunity. Given that social and economic rights violations were central to the Northern Ireland conflict, addressing them was crucial but largely ignored.Â
One project that refused to ignore this dimension is the Participation and Practice of Rights project (www.pprproject.org). PPR was originally conceived in the wake of the Good Friday Agreement, when, in 2001 a coalition of human rights advocacy groups came together to discuss how international and domestic âtools of rightsâ could be used to challenge marginalisation and mainstream a ârights-based approachâ to addressing the problems of inequality and deprivation on the Island of Ireland. The aim of its inaugural conference was to explore âhow the concepts and language of human dignity can be put into practice on the groundâ and âthe centrality of participation to the practice of rightsâ.
The Northern Ireland contribution to the project was driven by a group of people and organisations who had been intimately involved in struggles for human rights in Northern Ireland throughout much of the Troubles, and had been instrumental in framing the human rights provisions of the Agreement. It was led by the late Inez McCormack whose cross community credibility had been forged as a Protestant activist who had fought for Catholic civil rights, trade unionism and womenâs rights since the 1960s.
For these advocates, the Agreement provided an essential starting point: it was the culmination of a range of processes, ideas, commitment, obligations and aspirations which concretised âpreviously abstract concepts such as respect by giving them legal form; a label; a name. Once named, the work of establishing the meaning of respect, equality and human dignity as a lived experience could beginâ.
Now, twelve years on the projectâs achievements are considerable, both in reforming policy, making a real difference to peoplesâ lives on the ground, and bringing communities together to hold politicians and government departments to account. They have worked across communities on the right to health, housing, welfare and employment. They have involved young people in advocating for their right to play and brought a rights-based perspective to issues of urban regeneration. Most importantly, social and economic rights are seen as a way of giving people from both communities an understanding of the challenges and problems they share. In holding the local assembly to account, they are turning abstract and often conflictual ideas about human rights into tools of change on the ground. In this way they are building solidarity between the two communities. This solidarity is not merely the sort of shared action that might result from a community environmental project through which groups might come together to create a park or reclaim a shared space. It is, rather, a solidarity that is sustainable because it is aligned not only with activity but with the ownership, creativity and the assertion of power.
 In an article in the Guardian in December 2012 Adam McGibbon lamented how the optimism when the Agreement was signed has dissolved and the âinheritors of the ânewâ Northern Ireland feel betrayed by political parties that have an interest in the status quo. The result is, he argued, that many of his generation are leaving Northern Ireland. He concluded that âUnless Northern Ireland can recapture the determination of 1998 to change our society, then another generation may leave and never returnâ.
 Projects like PPR have the potential to give new life to the Agreement. They need to be made visible, and politicians of all sides need to recognise them, listen to them, and implement the social and economic rights they call for. Successive British governments have ignored social and economic rights and in this so-called âage of austerityâ the present government is no exception, in fact their protection is diminishing rather than improving.
 The model PPR proposes may well be essential to peace in Northern Ireland, but it also offers the rest of the UK a model to combat the current governmentâs divisive social and economic policies.Â
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Today, villages across Rwanda prepare to host commemoration ceremonies to mark the 19th anniversary of the genocide that officially began on 7 April 1994 and resulted in the deaths of an estimated 800,000 Tutsi. This yearâs ceremonies are guided by the theme âLet us commemorate the Genocide against the Tutsi as we strive for self-relianceâ. The value of relying on oneâs own efforts is not lost on the countryâs RPF government as the message has pervaded state-sponsored discourse about unity, reconciliation, and development for more than a decade. One of the stated goals of the community-level gacaca genocide courts which officially closed in 2012 was to prove that Rwanda could solve its own problems,  while the RPFâs Vision 2020 development document formally outlines the governmentâs plan to reduce the countryâs dependence on international aid by the year 2020.Â
Self-reliance may be approaching more quickly than expected for Rwanda as numerous international donors including the UK temporarily suspended aid in 2012. This action followed accusations that Rwanda was providing weapons, military supplies, and recruits to the M23 rebel group operating in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.  A panel of UN experts published a report in October 2012 stating that Rwanda was partially funding the rebellion with revenue generated from the re-exportation of minerals smuggled over the border from DRC.Â
M23 is comprised of former Congrès National pour la DĂŠfense du Peuple (CNDP) rebels who defected from the Congolese army in April 2012. Bosco âThe Terminatorâ Ntaganda, now at the ICC facing charges of crimes against humanity and war crimes allegedly committed in 2002 and 2003, purportedly led the defection.  Ntagandaâs appearance at the ICC has done little to quell ongoing violence between two factions of the rebel group and the Congolese army or accusations of Rwandaâs support for the rebels. Thus as the RPF reaffirms its stated commitment to encourage the nation to become self-reliant, its influence in DRC may prevent its neighbour from doing the same.
Make a film on your mobile, upload it, and get the chance to win an iPhone5 and see your video featured on Truthloader.Â
Deadline for entries: Friday 12th April 2013
THE CHALLENGE
What are you passionate about? What gets your goat? What does the mainstream media miss? Whatâs your perspective?
Make a film on your mobile phone on a topic you care about or a subject you want to investigate. Whether you want to highlight an issue, give someone else a voice or tell a story thatâs personal to you, this is your chance to say it in your way.
WANT SOME INSPIRATION?
The Truthloader YouTube channel is home to hundreds of videos from citizen journalists around the world. Â See their Top 20 Videos here www.bit.ly/truthloader.
THE PRIZES
The top five entries will each be featured on the Truthloader Youtube site in May 2013.
The overall winner will receive an Iphone5 handset and the latest three DVDs from documentary distributor Dogwoof.
THE RULES
- Films must be between 1 minute and 5 minutes in length
- Films must be filmed solely on a mobile phone
- Entries must be received by 12th April 2013
HOW TO ENTER
Enter your film by self-publishing it online and then spreading the word to us.
All films must be uploaded to YouTube. Once your film is online, send us the link one of two ways:
- Either email the link to [email protected] with the subject âMobile Citizen Journalism Challengeâ
- Or tweet the link to @BTLfest with the hashtag #BTLcitizenjournalism.
Crucible was joined by Bosnian War Camp survivor, Kemal Pervanic, who spoke about life during and after the war to students on the MA Human Rights and International Relations programme. This is a snippet of the interview with Kemal. The full version can be found on our website.
From 1st March 1992 to 14th December 1995, an international armed conflict took place in Bosnia following the collapse of Yugoslavia. The War in Bosnia witnessed some of the worst atrocities in Europe since WW2, including the Srebrenica genocide which saw the killing of 8000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys and circa 30,000 Bosnian Muslims expelled from the area. Kemal, a survivor of one of the concentration camps which was used to carry out 'ethnic cleansing', speaks of his experiences during and after the war.
Please click here to hear the full version of the discussion by Kemal Pervanic.
Anthony Iban, one of Crucible's undergraduate Human Rights students, whilst interning for Operation Black Vote wrote about his perspective on Hip Hop. Music, and thus Hip Hop, is a powerful and engaging way to inspire and present messages to a diverse audience. As Anthony writes, Hip Hop is not all bad...
As a child on my way to school I remember sitting in my dad's car tuning the radio to Choice FM. I used to look forward to the car journey just so I could listen to the latest songs, then go to school and discuss them with my friends.
My dad never had to worry too much about the message the music put across or how apparent the censorship of the swearing was because most of the music was positive with a few exceptions.
I am a real hip hop enthusiast and have over 9,000 songs on my iPod and 60% of the songs are rap/hip hop. So it hurts me when I have discussions with people (predominantly older) and they have negative opinions about hip hop and the message it conveys.
However, I am beginning to understand. After tuning in to Choice FM on a Wednesday at 4pm - the first thing I heard was a song that oozes with misogyny. At the time when children are likely to be in their parent's car on the way home from school. I can see why people have these conceptions about hip hop.
So I am here to put the hip back in to hop for the doubters.
I have a very strict aunt and she doesnât let my cousin listen to any music whatsoever, she feels it will spoil him and expose him to bad behaviour and sexist opinions. She feels the only way to protect him from it is to restrict him. But as soon as she is gone, every opportunity he gets, he listens to the music she protects him from. I continuously stress to her that she must provide him with an alternative rather than shielding him completely. For you to find an alternative you have to be pro-active and look for it. Radio and television now, are very profit orientated. They rarely play music that showcases talented musicians at lower or independent labels, because it would not benefit them financially. So they play whatever the multimillion pound record companies give to them regardless of the content.
So it is our responsibility to feed our minds with positive music. Like the Greek philosopher Plato said âMusic and rhythm find their way into the secret places of the soulâ. So we owe it to ourselves to fill those secret places with positivity.
Many people that are not as into music as I am ask me what songs can they listen to instead? What artists make positive music?
So I have made a list of musicians and songs that I hope will change the mind of some doubters
Mos Def & Talib Kweli - Brown Skin Lady: This song is an ode to black women. It encourages them to be proud of their skin complexion and the texture of their hair!
Nas-Daughters:Â This song focuses on the struggles of being a single black father and encourages fathers to pay more attention to their daughters and understand them more.
Lupe Fiasco - Audubon Ballroom: The hook speaks for itself. âNow white people, you can't say n*****s, so I gotta take it back, now black people, we're not n*****s cause God made us better than thatâ
Kendrick Lamar â HiiiPower: This song is particularly for young adults. The artists claim the purpose of the song is to lift a generation in a society that they view as destructive. They believe this is done through self enlightenment, reflection and active work.
Lastly,
The Roots â How I Got Over: This song is an encouragement for people in hard times in all circumstances. The song encourages the youth to be positive amongst adversities and a positive outcome can happen!
Hip Hop is not all bad, you just have to find the good stuff.
22 children on death row in Yemen. 3 could be executed at any moment. New report 
[clockwise top left to right] Bashir Mohammed Ahmed Ali al-Dihar,Mohammed Ahmed Sanhan, Ibrahim Fouadhy al-Omairy, Qaid Youssef Omar al-Khadamy, Walid Hussein Haikal, all sentenced to death for a crime allegedly committed when they were juveniles. Š 2012 Bede Sheppard/Human Rights Watch
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âStarting from Scratch: The Joys and Pains of building Human Rights in Myanmarâ
Dr Andrew Fagan joined the Crucible Centre for Human Rights Research to speak on the topic of Burma (or Myanmar, if you prefer) on 5th February 2013, drawing on his experience as founder and director of The Geneva Foundation. Unsurprisingly, the talk drew quite a crowd â not uncommon with events on human rights issues in Burma, a once isolated state shrouded in mystery which has been thrust into the spotlight of the international community since the beginning of a slow process of reform in 2011. Burma's "iconic" status in the human rights community, Dr Fagan explained, can be compared to that of apartheid South Africa, in that it was an issue that was able to rally mass international support.
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Amongst the many things touched on, Dr Fagan spoke about the on-going reform process, the challenges he faced as an academic providing practical human rights training, the economic and political effects of international isolation and the work of the Geneva Foundation in conjunction with the British Council. One of the most gripping topics was that of âthe painsâ he experienced in Burma, namely the subject of the Rohingya and the controversial nature of this topic when broached amongst the Burmese activists he worked with.
The issue of the Rohingya is but one of the many difficulties facing Burma today, and although the path to reform seems like a long and arduous journey, it is ultimately encouraging to see organizations such as the Geneva Foundation providing the groundwork for human rights discourse. Dr Darren OâByrne provided an insightful response to the talk, touching on the tools academics may use in human rights practice and advocacy.
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Whatever oneâs opinion of the state of the current reform process, one thing can remain certain â that there is still a huge amount to be done in the way of promoting and protecting human rights in Burma, and that the work of academics / activists such as Dr Fagan is much needed to steer things in this direction.