The West Bengal government’s Home and Hill Affairs Department on Saturday directed all district magistrates in the state to establish “Holding Centres” for apprehended illegal foreigners and released foreign prisoners awaiting deportation or repatriation, as part of the new BJP government’s broader “detect, delete, deport” policy targeting alleged illegal Bangladeshi migrants and Rohingyas.
Notably, the move comes just a day after the Union government told the Supreme Court that it would bring back several persons deported to Bangladesh and verify their Indian citizenship claims in the alleged “illegal deportation” case involving West Bengal resident Sunali Khatun and four others who were allegedly pushed across the border after being accused of being “illegal immigrants.”
The directive, issued by the Foreigners’ Branch of the department, cited Union Ministry of Home Affairs guidelines dated May 2, 2025, regarding deportation procedures for Bangladeshi nationals and Rohingyas allegedly staying illegally in India.
The order instructed every district administration to take “appropriate action” for setting up temporary detention facilities for apprehended foreigners and released foreign prisoners pending deportation.
Copies of the order were also forwarded to the Director General and Inspector General of Police, all police commissionerates, the Foreigners Regional Registration Office (FRRO) in Kolkata and district police superintendents.
According to reports, the holding centres are intended to function as short-term facilities, typically for up to 30 days under central guidelines, before detainees are handed over to central agencies such as the BSF for repatriation procedures.
The move comes days after the BJP government led by Suvendu Adhikari assumed office and announced an aggressive “detect, delete, deport” approach on illegal immigration.
The previous Trinamool Congress government had strongly opposed the Union government’s May 2025 directive on immigrant holding centres, alleging that the move was part of a broader attempt to strip sections of people, particularly Bengali-speaking Muslims, of citizenship through mechanisms linked to the NRC, CAA and similar verification drives.
Former Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee had repeatedly declared that no one in West Bengal would be sent to detention centres as long as her party remained in power, drawing parallels with Assam’s controversial detention and transit camps housing people declared foreigners by Foreigners’ Tribunals.
The Union government defines holding centres as specialised facilities, separate from prisons, meant to house individuals suspected of illegally entering or staying in India while their nationality is verified, as well as foreign nationals who have completed prison terms but remain in custody pending deportation.
Human rights groups and civil liberties advocates have repeatedly criticised India’s detention and holding centre system for alleged illegal immigrants, particularly in Assam and other BJP-ruled states, warning that such policies often lead to the wrongful targeting of Bengali-speaking Muslims, Rohingyas and poor migrant communities.
Critics have alleged that many detentions are based on weak or disputed documentation, including spelling errors, missing papers or inconsistencies in records, resulting in Indian citizens being wrongly profiled as “illegal immigrants.” Rights groups have also raised concerns over overcrowding, poor sanitation, inadequate healthcare and prison-like conditions inside holding centres and transit camps, particularly in Assam’s long-criticised detention infrastructure.
Several activists and legal groups have further accused authorities of violating due process through arbitrary detentions, informal “pushbacks” across borders, and deportations carried out without adequate legal hearings. Lawyers and rights advocates have argued that such practices violate constitutional protections under Article 21, which guarantees the right to life and dignity.
Critics have also linked these drives to anti-Muslim political rhetoric around “infiltrators” and demographic change, alleging that Muslims are disproportionately targeted while other refugee communities are treated differently. Rohingya deportations in particular have drawn condemnation from refugee rights groups and lawyers, who warned of the risk of refoulement and persecution upon return to Myanmar.
Media reports and civil rights documentation from states such as Assam, Maharashtra and Odisha have highlighted multiple cases in which migrant workers and Bengali-speaking Muslims were allegedly detained under suspicion of being Bangladeshis or Rohingyas, sparking accusations of profiling, Islamophobia and politically motivated crackdowns.
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The capitalists need various classes of agents to delude the workers, to destroy their unity, to divert them from the path of revolutionary struggle. The capitalists have their Roosevelts with New-Deal phraseology and “social-security” demagogy. Where the workers are no more willing to accept the Roosevelt demagogy, the capitalists have another agent, the union bureaucracy which pretends to speak in the name of labor while delivering the workers to their exploiters. Where the workers have advanced still further, there are the Socialist leaders, who, in the name of “democracy” (bourgeois-democracy, exploiters’ democracy), keep the workers from joining the Communist Party and engaging in revolutionary struggles against capitalism for Soviet Power. Whenever the workers are so radicalized that even the socialist deception can no more keep them chained to the chariot of capitalism, the latter has another agent—Trotsky and the Trotskyites. These come in the name of “Left” Communism. They come as the “true Leninists”. But the effect of their activities is the same—aid to capitalism by undermining all that is really revolutionary, by disheartening the workers, by spreading among them a panic in relation to the Soviet Union, by making them join the Musteites and similar elements—under the banner of the counter-revolutionary “fourth international”.
Trotskyism does not sink roots into the masses of the proletariat, but its danger for the Communist Party, and particularly for those petty-bourgeois intellectuals who are moving towards the Communist Party in the capitalist countries, must not be underestimated. It is the petty bourgeoisie that is, through Trotskyism, trying to disorganize and demoralize the revolutionary forces that are mobilizing against capitalism. The petty-bourgeois elements, says Lenin, “surround the proletariat on all sides . . . . they saturate it . . . . they demoralize it, they continually make it relapse into petty-bourgeois spinelessness, disruption, individualism, transition from enthusiasm to dismay”. This is true about the capitalist countries no less than it was true about the Soviet Republic in 1920. The petty bourgeoisie is surrounding the proletariat on every side, and Trotskyism is being continually regenerated as the expression of this particular brand of counter-revolution. It is only natural that the intellectuals, hailing from the petty bourgeoisie, should be particularly exposed to the danger of Trotskyism. The lot of the intellectuals in the present crisis is far from enviable. Hundreds of thousands have been thrown out of work. Scientific, educational and cultural activities have been crippled. The intellectual youth has almost no hope of getting work that would enable it to develop its talents and to lead a comfortable existence. The intellectuals are becoming radicalized. But, being petty-bourgeois, many of them have an aversion for the Communist Party, for its theory and practice. Here Trotskyism comes in handy. It gives the intellectuals of this kind a “way out”. It makes it possible for them to pose as Communists without participating in the class struggle. It gives them the opportunity to pose as “critics” of the Communist Party “from the Left” and thus satisfy their desire to appear “radical”. It gives them a platform from which to fight the Communist Party and thus satisfy their petty-bourgeois inclinations—without at the same time appearing reactionary. It supplies them with material for the mouthing of phrases about Lenin and Stalin, the Communist International and the world revolution while sticking deeply in the petty-bourgeois mud. It makes them believe they are “Communists” while it caters to all their petty-bourgeois hatred for proletarian discipline and proletarian straightforward revolutionary action.
And this is precisely the reason why Trotskyism must be branded as the enemy of the working class, why Trotskyism should be shunned by anybody who has sympathy for the revolutionary movement of the exploited and oppressed the world over
— Moissaye J. Olgin, The Dangers of Trotskyism, in, Trotskyism: Counter-Revolution in Disguise
The greatest factor in the stabilization of capitalism after the first round of wars and revolutions was Social-Democracy. In such countries as Germany and Austria the Social-Democratic leaders actually undertook to organize and maintain the capitalist State against the revolutionary onslaught of the workers. A German Social-Democrat, Noske, drowned in blood the workers’ revolution in Germany in 1918 and 1919. Social-Democratic ministers suppressed strikes, fired at workers’ demonstrations, declared martial law against the workers. A Socialist government in Great Britain sent armies to subdue the uprising of the colonial peoples. The Social-Democrats of France took the initiative in introducing the imperialist martial laws. In short, everywhere the leaders of Social-Democracy became part and parcel of the bourgeois State apparatus. They advanced the idea that where there is a coalition government, i.e., a government of capitalist and Socialist ministers, there we have a transition from capitalism to socialism. The fact of the matter is that a coalition government remains a capitalist government since it does not shake the foundations of capitalism, private property and exploitation. On the contrary, it only serves to strengthen capitalism by deceiving the workers with the idea of peaceful transition to socialism.
— Moissaye J. Olgin, The German Situation and the Question of Social Fascism, in, Trotskyism: Counter-Revolution in Disguise
I think a consistent challenge in transfeminist analysis is the question of where trans women fit into the classical man-woman scheme of patriarchy. You have some transfeminists asserting that trans women are exactly identical to cis women, and others asserting that trans women actually represent a sort of "third sex." Conversations go back and forth about this and my current thoughts are that there are compelling arguments on either side, but that they're both deeply flawed and limited because of their typically one-sided, metaphysical analysis.
Looking at the material evidence, it is plainly apparent that trans women are women proper - we are forced into the same spheres of labor as other women within our classes. Most of us are trapped in low-wage (often highly feminized) work, or are forced out of the formal legal economy and into sex work, long-term unemployment and begging just to afford food, and so on. As with cis women, a small number of us (mostly limited to the imperial core) are professionals who can access higher education, well-paying jobs, and so on. We can see plainly that, when all other factors are equal, trans women make markedly less money through employment than do cis women, cis men, and also trans men, which is consistent with and easily explained by our real existence as a type of specially-exploited woman, the same way a Black woman will typically make less than a white woman, a periphery woman less than an imperial core woman, and so on. We are just another kind of woman with an added layer of special exploitation, and one which is not incompatible with any other such layer.
On the other hand, we can look at the way we are spoken of and commonly regarded in normal social life. It seems plainly apparent that many people, maybe even most people, do indeed regard us as a third sex even if they would not use that term. Cis women, for the most part, do not get they/themmed incessantly the same way we do when someone is aware of our trans status. We're totally unwelcome in sexed spaces (bathrooms, changing rooms, etc), on a bio-physical level we are regarded as alien or as if we function completely differently from a cis woman or a cis man (despite HRT making us bio-physically extremely similar to cis women, and extremely different from cis men. The vast majority of trans women are either on HRT or desire to be on it). Even bourgeois trans women, take for instance the US politician Sarah McBride, are regarded with so much distaste and hatred by other bourgeois women. A phenomenon I've observed repeatedly in my own life is that when in public, strangers will consistently and exclusively address me as female, as a woman, with she/her, up until I have to share my ID (as part of getting a job, to access medical care, to buy alcohol, etc) - I have been unable to get the sex marker on my ID changed, and as soon as a stranger notices that, it's immediately apparent that I instantly become something "other" to them, something unknown and foreign and scary, and they don't really know what to do about it and usually refer to me very minimally or with they/them for the remaining duration of the interaction. There are countless other such phenomena we can raise to provide evidence for the fact that we seem to be regarded as a third sex, but I'll end there.
What's happening here? On a material level, trans women are simply women proper, but on an ideological level, trans women seem to be widely understood as a third sex. Much to the distaste of those attempting to carry out a metaphysical analysis, this is a contradictory state of affairs - the reality as it exists within the financial statistics and within the medical journals and in a visit with a client is distinct from the reality that exists within people's heads, in the realm of the ideal. We can attempt to pick one side or the other and say that it is the truth of transfeminine existence, but I see this as a mistake. Rather, I think it is much more coherent to regard the true nature of transfeminine existence as this contradiction, as the class of people who are truly women on every material level but who are also widely regarded as something separate from and foreign to womanhood even at the same time as those same people regarding us as such produce the conditions that create our special-exploitation as just another underclass of women.
For the most part, this is not done with conscious intent, but rather, it's the natural cross product of the general conditions of capitalism and class society, the current ideological and material formation of patriarchy, and the specific neuroses non-transmisogynized people hold about trans women in the context of these greater systems.
The same way the proletariat is defined by its contradiction with the bourgeoisie rather than as something with independent existence, our nature as trans women is defined by contradiction to both men and cis women on a material level but also on an ideological level the very concept of a "cis" woman - the idea that women are not a socially constructed category but are instead something natural, immutable, in possession of existence separate from class society and patriarchy in particular. Or, to put it another way, trans women are defined as the class of women violating the perfect Platonic forms of patriarchy as people imagine them.
This is mostly just a collection of thoughts, or you could think of it as a set of notes I've made public for the sake of seeing how well they resonate with other Marxist trans women. Someday I might write something longer and more formal about this, but this has been on my mind for the last few years and this is the general conclusion I've reached.
Pasteur’s empire was technopolitical. A great deal of colonial policy-making relied on translating political claims into the seemingly objective language of hygienic need or bacteriological efficiency and enacting these claims through the deployment of biotechnology.
Bacteriology made it possible to argue for the monopolization of the Vietnamese rice wine industry not because French businessmen desired profits going to Vietnamese or Chinese producers, or because the colonial state needed more efficient means of tax collection, but because monopolization was based on Pastorian technologies that eliminated “impurities” and delivered a healthier product.
Social hygienist forms of tuberculosis prevention were called unthinkable in Indochina not because of French fears that enabling associational life would lead to seditious activity, or because the state was unwilling to commit funds to large-scale infrastructure projects, but because Pastorians argued that appropriately modern public health measures would focus on destroying the
pathogenic microbe and leave social and ecological considerations aside.
Vaccinators and colonial officials focused on Africans as yellow fever test subjects not because European human trials created high-profile ethical controversies but because bacteriological expertise rendered Africans as “disease reservoirs.”
Displacing politics onto biotechnology turned microbes and scientific knowledge into political forces of their own.
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A Venezuelan sociologist explains how the imperialist system is built on a murderous, savage capitalism, and how Venezuela's Bolivarian Revo
Finance capitalism adds nothing of value to the real economy; it is a casino capitalism made possible by degrading the institutions that guard the common good: education, health, unions, even law. There is an inherent contradiction between the single-minded search for profits of the corporations, and the protection of the social common good, most especially, the democratic good. Corporations are not democratic entities; they defy real democracy and dominate nation-states. Their power meshes with that of the US empire. In other words, you cannot disengage corporate power from imperialism. [...]
The great economic power is largely concentrated in the Global North – the USA and its allies – but the grand bulk of the absolutely essential natural resources are in the South. Thus a new colonialism has emerged, camouflaged with all sorts of smoke and mirrors: “free trade” (that is not free), promises of “trickle-down” investments (that never trickle down), and supposed “humanitarian interventions” to protect human rights (only some of them). Global North governments claim to help countries in the South develop (only where convenient to their enterprises), to teach other nations about the supposed “rule of law” (based on their rules), and even to promote NGOs to purportedly protect democracy and the environment (while these organizations act as spies and saboteurs). [...]
Natural resources seem to be viewed as the property of the North, not the South where they are found. This divide is profoundly eurocentrist, classist, and racist.
A shocking example was the 2010 European Commission report on critical raw materials for the EU, which, in a matter-of-fact- bureaucratic vocabulary, unashamedly defined environmental risk as “the measures that might be taken by countries with the intention of protecting the environment and by so doing endangering the supply of raw materials to the European Union.”
The people most severely impacted by this natural resource devastation in Latin America are the rural campesinos and the indigenous peoples. [...]
Virtually every progressive leader or reformer in Latin America has been threatened to be killed, opposed, or deposed by Washington. The victims among the people are countless.
Atilio Boron, a distinguished Argentine intellectual, points out that there are no Monroe Doctrines for any other part of the world, except for Latin America.
Washington considers the region its “backyard” – or as ignominiously Biden has said, trying to soften the insult, the US “front yard”.
The farce of the USA being any sort of “defender” of Latin America from European threats, as the Monroe Doctrine spouts, was shown to be a lie when Washington backed the UK’s colonialist war against Argentina over the Malvina Islands (Falklands). [...]
The opposite of imperialism today is the movement of Socialism of the 21st Century. It is the hope for the future of Latin America, and the world, against the savagery of imperialism.
Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez was re-elected for his second term in 2006 by an overwhelming majority who voted for his electoral promise of building what he called Socialism of the 21st Century, as the basis of the Bolivarian Revolution. The instrument of this revolution is the PSUV, the United Socialist Party of Venezuela, which is formed by many smaller parties and grassroots organizations. It is not just a government party.
Many figures on the Western left, in the USA, Canada, and Europe, have claimed for years that Venezuela’s revolution is not truly socialist. These armchair revolutionaries have too often disdained the Bolivarian Revolution because it did not “fit” with their narrow eurocentric theoretical framework.
Some mistrusted Chávez because he was a military man; others ridiculed him because he was an acknowledged Catholic; and yet others on the left have gone so far as saying Venezuela did not really have a revolution because its revolutionaries did not take up arms outright and kill the capitalists.
When speaking on panels about my homeland Venezuela, I have been confronted various times by those who want to see blood on the ground – not their blood of course, but somebody else’s. They have said to me that because it was not born by taking up arms, like the Cuban Revolution, Venezuela’s is not truly a revolution. In one of these occasions, I had the great honor of sitting next to the consul general of Cuba, who whispered in my ear to pay no attention to such nonsense, as if Fidel Castro and El Che had wanted to kill their compatriots, as if they had thought killing was the cornerstone of a socialist revolution.
Venezuela’s revolution does include the analysis of Marx and Engels, but not exclusively so, because it is also based on Venezuela’s indigenous communitarian traditions, and on the principles of its revolutionary liberator Simón Bolívar. These Bolivarian principles were sovereignty, egalitarianism, repudiation of slavery and imperialism, and regional Latin American integration. The Bolivarian Revolution is also nurtured by other Venezuelan heroes, incorporating Simón Rodríguez’s views on education, or Ezequiel Zamora’s on land reform.
The genius of Hugo Chávez is that he was able to articulate a socialist ideology that was rooted in Venezuelan cultural and political history. Before that, socialist and communist inroads had been weak because they were seen as a foreign thing, Northern, theoretical, and alien to the history, culture, and cosmology of ordinary Venezuelans. [...]
Chávez proclaimed socialism after the fall of the Berlin Wall, after the dissolution of the USSR, after the rumors that history had come to an end. In this way, Chávez showed the world that socialism was not remotely dead. This flew in the face of those who, while professing socialism, were looking for the illusion of a “third way”. [...]
Under the Bolivarian Revolution, Venezuelan society underwent a strong social transformation. This began by redefining the state itself, with a new constitution, anchored in the concepts of human rights, both individual and social rights, including the rights of indigenous peoples, the rights of women and children, and social rights to education, health, and a protected environment.
Venezuela has wrestled power from the comprador class, the supremist elites, the upper classes that had ruled for decades and drove their people into abject poverty, while wasting the equivalent of 15 Marshall Plans worth of wealth on corruption and illicit enrichment. [...]
Venezuela has carried out effective land reform, transforming agriculture to the point that today the nation has relatively more food security, and is even exporting food for the first time in 100 years. This is due to the masterful policies of President Nicolás Maduro, who has steered the country through the illegal US sanctions that have almost destroyed the economy and killed 100,000 Venezuelans.
The Venezuelan working class has been the backbone of the productive invigoration of the economy. President Maduro is referred to as “the worker president”, as he drove a bus for nine years in Caracas, and has strong links to and understanding of the working class and the unions. President Maduro’s measures to diversify the economy, to implement an effective internal revenue system, revigorated the economy and battled inequality. He has successfully gotten rid of hyperinflation and made Venezuela a stronger more viable country. Venezuela’s GDP is estimated to grow by an astonishing 20% in 2022, as calculated by Swiss bank Credit Suisse. This is after losing 99% of government revenue due to illegal US sanctions, according to the top UN expert. That is quite an extraordinary achievement. [...]
While not demeaning for a second the very positive and brave, heroic struggles and contributions of members of the oldest political party in the country, the Communist Party of Venezuela, the fact is that it never achieved a significant popular following in or out of elections, because it was not rooted in the people’s profound sense of history, their culture, traditions, and spirituality. The Bolivarian Revolution on the other hand was able to accomplish all of this, while also making clear the class struggles and dynamics of capitalism. To its admirable merit, the Communist Party of Venezuela has supported the PSUV in particular in its struggles against imperialism, even when the party did not fully agree with Bolivarianism. This is a shining example of solidarity that the international left should learn from.
Domestically, many who proclaim to be on the left and who criticize the government and President Maduro are in fact armchair theorists who use the excuse of “self-criticism” to simply oppose a government and a movement which has rejected them and their advice, as they have been very far from the grassroots and real links to the people. These criticisms are cheap as these figures bear no responsibility in feeding and nurturing a population, not to mention facing a formidable foreign power. They invariably end up becoming darlings of the right.
Venezuela does not think that it has already “arrived” at socialism; it considers this to be a process, a road that it must go down until the entire bourgeois state has been transformed. Much of the Western left, on the other hand, has had reservations from the very beginning, if not openly criticizing Venezuela’s brand of socialism. The reasons are ugly, tainted by cultural determinism and even racism.
Firstly, there is eurocentrism. For many Northern leftists, anything that deviates from Marx and Engels, or any other Northern socialist movement, is not the “real thing”. This is actually quite ironic, if not knee-slapping funny, in view of the fact that none of these Western theorists or activists have actually been able to carry out any socialist revolution in North America or Europe. Yet they think they have the right to point out to the “lesser” beings in Latin America what is real and what is not, and that they have got it all wrong.
Secondly, the foreign critics of the Bolivarian Revolution are often ignorant of the Venezuelan culture, specifically its political culture. And I suspect that this is a willful ignorance that is also tainted with racism. They have not fully understood that there is not one road to socialism, but many; that Venezuela revolts at the thought that it has to pattern its revolution on one unique pattern, on a foreign strategy that would force it to give up its identity and its own idiosyncrasies.
As if these accomplishments were not enough – as if Venezuela’s heroic triumphs against illegal sanctions, paramilitary attacks, sabotages, assassinations, coup attempts, and demonization of the hybrid war were not enough – just consider the enemies that have lined up against Venezuela: the US empire and its allies, the international banking system, the international media, and all the fascist organizations of the world. They do recognize a revolution when they see it. Why can’t much of the Northern left? [...]
The choice could not be clearer: Will the world continue to give a free ride to a devious, amoral, predatory imperialism? Or will the freely chosen, revolutionary socialism of Venezuela, which feeds, shelters, heals, clothes, inspires, and defends its people, be given the international recognition and solidarity that it deserves, as a road to hope, peace, and justice in the world Venezuela’s answer is the same as Cuba’s: Venceremos! We will prevail.
Nicobar Tribal Council faces pressure to sign a surrender certificate for ancestral lands amid the Great Nicobar Island mega project.
People have likely heard of the Sentinel islands in relation to the Sentinelese people, who have frequently made news defending themselves against missionaries and other outsiders. This is about the Great Nicobar Island, which is just south of the Setinel islands. Currently, the Indian government is planning a massive development on Great Nicobar without the indigenous peoples’ consent.
to be clear, if this project that has the stated goal of turning the island into the hong kong of india goes through it will basically be a genocide, as multiple people have warned and is not the first time india has used the farce of development projects to steal indigenous land and life. it means nothing that the president of india is an indigenous woman herself when she is very clearly a puppet installed to do the bidding of the bjp she couldn't care less
Nicobar Tribal Council faces pressure to sign a surrender certificate for ancestral lands amid the Great Nicobar Island mega project.
People have likely heard of the Sentinel islands in relation to the Sentinelese people, who have frequently made news defending themselves against missionaries and other outsiders. This is about the Great Nicobar Island, which is just south of the Setinel islands. Currently, the Indian government is planning a massive development on Great Nicobar without the indigenous peoples’ consent.
to be clear, if this project that has the stated goal of turning the island into the hong kong of india goes through it will basically be a genocide, as multiple people have warned and is not the first time india has used the farce of development projects to steal indigenous land and life. it means nothing that the president of india is an indigenous woman herself when she is very clearly a puppet installed to do the bidding of the bjp she couldn't care less
The violence has not abated entirely. Over the last 12 months, the line of division between the Kuki and the Meitei leadership has only wide
This was a year that saw mindless killing, sexual assault, loss of livelihood - all in the name of a fear of the neighbour who is perceived to be the other and, therefore, must be repelled at all cost.
As per official records, the violence that broke out between the Kuki and the Meitei ethnic communities on May 3, 2023, has claimed 224 lives. At least 60,000 people in that border state have since been displaced, a large section of them still living in relief camps. Many have since fled their neighbourhood and escaped to Mizoram, Assam and Meghalaya. With the loss of home and hearth, the future of such Manipuris, needless to say, is caught in a haze.
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Kerala in India, which gave the world its first democratically elected communist government, has voted the left out.
India’s Kerala, which gave the world its first democratically elected communist government, has voted the left out. Now no Indian state is ruled by the left.
Some sources on Donbass in English from non-Russian sources:
Ukraine is not Palestine, Russia is not Israel - The Palestine Chronicle
Today’s Ukraine War was Made in the West Yesterday - The Palestine Chronicle
Israel is arming neo-Nazis in Ukraine - The Electronic Intifada
Kiev accused of genocide as Donetsk civilians' water supply cut off - The Morning Star
Stop the US-Ukraine war on Donbass and Russia - The Morning Star
Under fire from Ukraine and misperceived by the West, the people of the DPR share their stories - Mint Press News
US turns to Ukraine for next Russia proxy war gambit - Mint Press News
Ukraine Used Cluster Bombs, Evidence Indicates - The New York Times
A Test for Ukraine in a City Retaken From Rebels - The New York Times
Civil War in Donbass 10 Years On - Global Delinquents
The Invisibles: About Mass Persecution of Dissidents in Ukraine - Pressenza International Press Agency
Right to self-determination a fundamental principle: Artsakh President welcomes recognition of Donetsk and Lugansk - Public Radio of Armenia
Ukrainian forces continue bombing civilians in Donbass - Al Mayadeen
Donetsk announces mass evacuation, cites threat of Ukraine invasion - Al Mayadeen
Kiev deploys 120,000 military forces on Donbas' border: Donetsk - Al Mayadeen
Celebrations in Donbass following Putin recognition - Al Mayadeen
Russia, Donbass, and the reality of the conflict in Ukraine - Al Mayadeen
Ukraine used cluster munitions on Donetsk university - Al Mayadeen
Six killed by Ukrainian shelling of Lugansk hospital - Prensa Latina
Five killed in Ukrainian attack on downtown Donetsk - Prensa Latina
Three civilians killed in shelling of market in Donetsk - Prensa Latina
Syria, Yemen support Russia's recognition of the republics of Luhansk and Donetsk - The Cradle
Over 300 civilians have been killed in Donbass by Ukrainian forces - CubaSí
Ukraine: the Ugly Truth - CubaSí
7 children injured in Slavyansk as Ukrainian army shells residential area - CubaSí
Civilians killed as Donetsk hit by ballistic missile, the DPR says - CubaSí
Ukrainian forces attacked a hospital area in Donetsk - CubaSí
At least 11 killed, 40 injured in shelling in Donetsk, E. Ukraine, school hit - CubaSí
Two Civilians Died in Kiev’s Attack on Lugansk - Al Manar TV
Five Civilians Killed, 12 Wounded in DPR - Al Manar TV
Dozens Killed, Injured as Ukrainian Troops Shell Prison in Donbass - Al Manar TV
Yes, Ukraine Started the War - ScheerPost
List of ‘kidnapped’ Ukrainian children for sale? No, a regional database of Lugansk orphans - STRUGGLE LA LUCHA
From the Tops Market massacre to Ukraine’s war crimes in Donbass - STRUGGLE LA LUCHA
Voices from Donbass speak to U.S. anti-war movement - The Monthly Review
Larissa, three months of torture in the SBU dungeons in Kharkov - The Monthly Review
Faina Savenkova – “I wanted Americans to know the truth” - The Monthly Review
The Donbass Diaries Part II: The Azov Battalions – ordinary Fascism - The Monthly Review
Ukraine timeline tells the tale - The Monthly Review
Fact Finding Mission to Donbass - Black Agenda Report
Gaza to Donbass: How Israel and Ukraine Built a Fascist, Transnational War Machine - Black Agenda Report
‘God Will Sort Them Out’: Ukrainians of Donbass Beg NATO to End War - Toward Freedom
Maligned in Western Media, Donbass Forces are Defending their Future from Ukrainian Shelling and Fascism - Covert Action Magazine
Collected in collaboration with Sibaj previously of the handle @Tatarstani and Kakhvise of the handle @kakhvisa
————————
For the sake of context: a quarter of Sibaj’s family resides within the borders of the Donetsk People’s Republic. She also lived for an extended period in the Donetsk Oblast prior to the outbreak of the Civil War and the Euromaidan revolution, and briefly returned there in 2019. Kakhvise has participated in three separate humanitarian aid missions to the Lugansk People’s Republic, in addition to working with Muslim internally displaced persons from Donbass. I myself am from the Donetsk People’s Republic. None of us are “Tankie Westerners” projecting ideological fantasies onto this conflict, nor are we Russian ethno-nationalists seeking to expand borders or justify violence against Ukrainians. In fact, none of us have Russian heritage at all.
Apologies if any heavy hitters were passed by, all three of us are Russian citizens, we do not regularly interact with Western Media!
Russia, it can be argued is acting out of defense, Israel is not. Ukraine, backed by creeping, belligerent US/NATO expansion to Russia’s borders, demanding of its Western backers before the war to acquire nuclear capability is a real, present danger to Russian national security; Israel, armed with nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons, is a dangerous, destabilizing threat to regional and world peace. Russia is not fighting a defenseless state, but one de facto allied and armed by US/NATO, with an armed forces count of about 300,000, including paramilitaries; Israel’s is perhaps the strongest military in the Middle East. The Russian offensive is not motivated by ideologically-inspired expansionist motives; Israel is a hyper-expansionist, colonizing apartheid state. Russia does not engage in dispossession and ethnic cleansing, Israel and Ukraine do. Russia does not conduct war with criminality; Israel and Ukraine do. Russia aspires to a secure, fair, economically prosperous neighborhood and world, Israel hinders this locally and doesn’t give a damn globally. (For Israel’s extremely well-organized and financed supporters—aka lobbies—in Washington and other Western capitals, there’s only one state that comes first.) Russia does not have an institutionally racist, exclusivist ideology, Israel and Ukraine do. Russia is not a religio-ethnic or ethnolinguistic state, Israel and Ukraine are. Ukraine is not a stateless, occupied, captive population, Palestine is. Israel is interested in using the Ukraine conflict to “ingather” Ukrainian Jews to solidify its demographic lead and disappear Palestine, Russia does not do this in Ukraine or elsewhere.
The Ukrainian and Israeli regimes enjoy the support of the same imperial, global hegemon, are hostile to their neighbor(s), and are extremists unaware that their long term survival, security and prosperity hinges on peace and coexistence with the others within them and around them. Both suffer from suicidal myopia. [...]
Aside from their genocidal war against ethnic Russians, including unspeakable brutality in the Donbass, their army and hardcore Nazi formations have in fact terrorized and killed their own civilians to prevent them moving through the humanitarian corridors (as in the homicidal Azov battalion in Mariupol where 125,000 civilians are held captive), placed artillery and military formations in neighborhoods as a hostage to avoid Russian attack, moved into civilian buildings, used human shields, murdered journalists, those deemed to be politically incorrect towards war, and opposition figures, shelled their own civilian facilities, presumably accidentally, and blamed it on the Russians, and early on in the war, the regime’s security services murdered one of its own negotiators.
Ending the war is of the utmost urgency, but the Kiev regime is, under US pressure and its own extremists, stalling and escalating even when its army is scattered and surrounded, the US imperative being to maintain the stream into Ukraine of lethal weapons and neo-Nazi fighters and other assorted mercenaries trained by the CIA (and British) since at least 2015, and assiduously work overtime to cause a Russian quagmire even at the growing risk of a nuclear cataclysm.
It needs reiteration: Ukraine’s ruling military/oligarchic/xenophobic elite is intensely corrupt, right-radical, chauvinistic, and undemocratic, violently imposing its authority on a country of intensely divided identities.
This elite’s sociopolitical and cultural base is in parts of the western half of the country with its anachronistic Galician-Polish loathing towards Russia and ethnic Russians in Ukraine, and whose nationalists and crypto-Nazis view Russians as Asiatic mongrels. Though accounting, with their supporters, for some 10 percent of the population, neo-Nazi and old-fashioned Nazi groups have had a huge, outsized effect on the state.
Many are familiar with the quote from a leading expert, the late Stephen F. Cohen, that Kyiv “encouraged” and “rehabilitated” neofascists, “even memorializing Ukrainian collaborators with Nazi German extermination pogroms and their leaders during World War II, renaming streets in their honor, building monuments to them, rewriting history to glorify them…” We are talking about monuments to western Ukrainian Nazis who, along with that other equally virulently Russophobic state, Poland, collaborated, in their territories, with the German Nazi occupation in the murder of millions of Jews in the Holocaust.
In the racist, supremacist realm, the Ukrainian and Israeli regimes ironically have much in common.
Aside from the war’s material and political realities, there’s the astounding matter of the “information war,” so tightly controlled and orchestrated by the West and which hands down leaves Russia in the dust, that most of us are clueless regarding up from down, war from peace, criminality from humanity, victim from victimizer, legal from illegal, fake from real. The intense propaganda is directed at American and Western publics to convince them of war and economic sacrifice.
The social principles of Christianity have had eighteen centuries in which to develop, and have no need to undergo further development at the hands of Prussian consistorial councillors. The social principles of Christianity justified the slavery of classical days; they glorified medieval serfdom; and they are able when needs must to defend the oppression of the proletariat, though with a somewhat crestfallen air. The social principles of Christianity proclaim the need for the existence of a ruling class and a subjugated class, being content to express the pious hope that the former will deal philanthropically with the latter. The social principles of Christianity assume that there will be compensation in heaven for all the infamies committed on earth, and thereby justify the persistence of these infamies here below. The social principles of Christianity explain that the atrocities perpetrated by the oppressors on the oppressed are either just punishments for original and other sins, or else trials which the Lord in his wisdom ordains for the redeemed. The social principles of Christianity preach cowardice, self-contempt; abasement, submission, humility, in a word, all the qualities of the canaille; and the proletariat, which will not allow itself to be treated as canaille, needs courage, self-confidence, pride, a sense of personal dignity and independence, even more than it needs daily bread. The social principles of Christianity are lick-spittle, whereas the proletariat is revolutionary. So much for the social principles of Christianity!
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On May 1, 1946, over 50,000 workers demonstrated in the streets of Tehran. They had music bands, union signs, and banners declaring "Factory Owners, the Workers Have Awakened" and "Bread, Work, and Health for All." At the end of the festivities, after honoring those killed in Reza Shah's prisons, the head of the Central Council of Federated Trade Unions (CCFTU) read off a list of union demands. The list included equal pay for men and women, work for the unemployed, housing for the homeless, support for the Republican cause in Spain, and, most important of all, a labor law that would guarantee an eight-hour day, recognize trade unions, and accept May Day as a public holiday.
There were similar celebrations in every provincial capital and in smaller towns like Qom, Kerman, Rafsanjan, Mallayer, Ardekan, Arak, and Nain. In Khorramshahr, the British consul noted in alarm that a female speaker had not only demanded a comprehensive labor law with equal pay for equal work, but had also called for the total nationalization of the oil industry, which had been monopolized by the British controlled Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) since 1909.
In Abadan, the site of AIOC’s main refinery (at the time the largest oil refinery in the world), the demonstration had been organized in solidarity with workers of AIOC’s locomotive shops, who had commenced a strike the day before. The parade was three miles long and probably as large as in Tehran. Its banners were in Farsi, Arabic, Armenian, Assyrian, and Hindi, reflecting the ethnic composition of the oil workers. The organizers demanded better housing, a minimum wage, improved rations, union recognition, and a labor law.
On May 5, directed by the Tudeh party, 350 employees in the distillation and bitumen plants of the Abadan refinery walked out without warning, in solidarity with the locomotive shop strikers. On the first day of the strike, instant crude oil dispatches from the main oilfields, amounting to some ten million gallons per day, were shut off. On May 13, at Agha Jari, one of the main production sites producing four million tons of oil per year, workers went on strike to protest poor housing conditions and general amenities
The British embassy reported that the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company had no choice but to concede the eight-hour day, Friday pay, overtime scales, higher wages, and better housing since the unions had de facto control over Khuzestan as well as over the refinery, the oil wells, and the pipelines. The Tudeh party followed up this success by pressuring the government to decree the first comprehensive labor law in the Middle East.
The 1946 strike that started on May Day finally ended on July 17. While it obtained certain concessions from AIOC and the Iranian government, it also led to the mass arrest of strike leaders, the shutting down of the oil workers’ union and the Tudeh Party in Khuzestan and the Iranian government declaring any future strikes illegal.
The main fault is the use of "natural". It does not make sense to qualify any process of urbanization as natural or unnatural. The fact that cities show a spatial segregation of wealth, rent and services is the product of a history of capital accumulation and land valorization in a class-based economic system. Calling any result of this natural does the bidding of those who have an interest in manipulating land value to their favor, it is a political process created by a certain set of agents in a set of concrete conditions.
There is also not much water in the European-US city duology. European cities have historically not had exclusively rich centers "naturally". Haussmann bulldozed the tens or hundreds of thousands of homes in the city center of Paris to rebuild it according to bourgeois aesthetic and class criteria, and many European city centers maintained worker's housing districts in their centers well into the 20th century. Milan itself saw a process of post-war industrial worker suburbanization and later gentrification from the 80s onwards. Generally speaking, gentrification and touristification is an ongoing process that is revalorizing the city centers right now, and one that isn't very old in the historical perspective of the city, even just the capitalist city.
The US city is the product of the process of racial segregation on top of the capitalist urban dynamics. More specifically, the product of some specific federal and municipal policy instruments: redlining, racially selective FHA mortgage access, the Interstate Highway Act subsidizing white suburban flight, exclusionary zoning, to name a few that aimed to produce a white propertied class. Even in US urbanism there is no settled urban model. Burgess' very well known 1925 concentric zone model of the Chicago School of Human Ecology introduced the concept of the Central Business District, but it was also immediately contested. The model of the poor inner city pattern itself is mostly concentrated historically in the second half of the 20th century and in the Rust and Sun Belt cities. This is changing still, and gentrification has also hit US cities like New York, San Francisco, Washington DC or Chicago with dramatic restructurings of their centers. The capitalist city is not spatially stable.
Calling this "social engineering" is bizarre and to me sounds more like a right libertarian talking point than anything else. It perpetuates the naturalization of the political-economic urban spatial segregation but in the other way (posing the US as being anti-natural, the wrong kind of segregated), and places the blame of spatial segregation on government policy rather than the historical push for that white propertied class to remain after the 13th amendment and after the Civil Rights Act.
The "wealthy city center" is not a stable category and it spatially shifts along with capital accumulation. Many US and European cities are seeing secondary CBDs, peripheral business parks, and Europe specifically is seeing the valuable center being stretched along transport corridors now. And this is just on Europe and the US. This all diversifies greatly when the rest of the world (the majority of cities) are taken into account with their own historical processes of spatial configuration. To name a good example, La Paz in Bolivia sees its poorer districts pushed to the periphery because the city is built on a valley and its peripheral urban growth is on the sides of its surrounding mountains; capital accumulated in the lower elevated center, and the working populations were pushed to the mountainsides. This is opposite to many European cities where higher elevation often (though not always) concentrates higher rents.