There are three quotes in the machine chapter that surprised me in different ways, even though they’re all sort of about the same thing. All three quotes on some level describe the tension inherent in capitalism between revolutionary impulses and capital’s tendency to predict, subsume, even require those same impulses in order to sustain itself.
The first quote is about how Marx uses the terms “conservative” and “revolutionary.”
Modern industry never views or treats the existing form of a production process as the definitive one. Its technical basis is therefore revolutionary, whereas all earlier modes of production were essentially conservative. By means of machinery, chemical processes and other methods, it is continually transforming not only the technical basis of production but also the functions of the worker and the social combination of the labour process. At the same time, it thereby also revolutionizes the division of labour within society, and incessantly throws masses of capital and of workers from one branch of production to another. Thus large-scale industry, by its very nature, necessitates variation of labour, fluidity of functions, and mobility of the worker in all directions. But on the other hand, in its capitalist form it reproduces the old division of labour with its ossified particularities. (617)
This is generally how Marx operates, taking the paradox of whatever thread of capitalism he’s focusing on at the time and unraveling until it comes apart. This passage is tricky though because of Marx’s usage of the word “conservative.” It seems kind of dubious to call earlier modes of production “essentially conservative” just because they were less efficient at exploiting the worker and because ‘innovation’ was less frenetic. When he says the “technical basis” of modern industry is “revolutionary,” he implies that the factory machinery carries a revolutionary or subversive potential, EVEN THOUGH this very machinery was designed under capitalist interests and enables capitalists to exploit more and more labor power as the workers become more and more objectified as just extensions of machines.
So let’s try to unpack the implications of this. The chapter on Machinery and Large-Scale Industry is 161 pages long. Marx spends most of those pages exposing the horrible factory conditions, how pretty much every new technological innovation proves disastrous for the workers, how the new machines make it possible for the capitalists to extend the working day indefinitely, how machines enable the capitalists to employ more child workers and neglect their education, how machines make the intensification of labor possible in a way that the worker has no real control over, how machines make the worker’s skill or trade pretty much irrelevant, how machines exaggerate the division of labor and further obscure the production process so that the workers are pretty much useless if and when they are cast back out into the labor market whenever the latest factory innovation renders them redundant.
The point is that Marx is exhaustive in his articulation of the negative effects of machines. But now he’s saying that the “technical basis” of “modern industry” (in other words THE MACHINE) has revolutionary potential because whatever mode of production that’s currently in practice is already on its way out. So even as this industry prevents workers from learning much beyond how to perform rote and repetive mundane actions, and thereby reduces the value of their labor (which they’ll need once they get fired), at the same time it forces the workers to be flexible, fluid, and adaptable; they need to be capable of everything, and nothing. Sound familiar?
I think he’s saying that the machines have the potential to free us from the necessity of repetitive and thoughtless labor. Technology should allow us to subsist more efficiently and spend less of our time actually working. Of course, Marx is keenly aware that the opposite is what actually happens because the technology is being designed with capitalist interests in mind.
His usage of “revolutionary” and “conservative” in this passage struck me because well, let’s be honest, I’m reading Marx, so naturally my association is revolutionary = good and conservative = bad. The machines are potentially revolutionary, but not good. But Marx isn’t really saying we shouldn’t have the technology; he’s not a Luddite. He’s maybe even saying the opposite.
What makes me uncomfortable about this idea is it makes me think of some modern uses of the term “progressive.” Progressive as a kind of affect or state of mind that can be employed as a way to “shake things up” in the business world. The word “disruptive” has similar connotations among silicon valley types. Cynical marketing terminology.
If these machines that were designed to render humans as mere appendages can be called revolutionary, then what does that really mean? Marx has already characterized resistance, or tension between the working class and the capitalist class, as essential to the capitalist system. If resistance is necessary to the way the system functions, then how is it real resistance?
It’s almost like he’s looking for silver linings. In the second quote, he highlights another contradiction with respect to gender relations. He talks about how the exploitation of women and children in the factories has led to changes in gender roles and family dynamics.
However terrible and disgusting the dissolution of the old family ties within the capitalist system may appear, large-scale industry, by assigning an important part in socially organized processes of production, outside the sphere of the domestic economy, to women, young persons and children of both sexes, does nevertheless create a new economic foundation for a higher form of relations between the sexes. It is of course just as absurd to regard the Christian-Germanic form of the family as absolute and final as it would have been in the case of the ancient Roman, the ancient Greek or the Oriental forms, which, moreover, form a series in historical development. It is also obvious that the fact that the collective working group is composed of individuals of both sexes and all ages must under the appropriate conditions turn into a source of humane development, although in its spontaneously developed, brutal, capitalist form, the system works in the opposite direction, and becomes a pestiferous source of corruption and slavery, since here the worker exists for the process of production, and not the process of production for the worker. (620-621)
So not only changes in gender relations, but a new “foundation for a higher form of relation between the sexes.” Marx is saying that the capitalist excesses of modern industry have contributed to changes in the patriarchal structure of the family, and he’s saying that having men and women and children all share responsibilities in the labor process can encourage a greater “human development.” Where earlier he conflated women & children and characterized them both as docile, here he’s making a pretty good point. Radical change in how we conceptualize family is necessary. But at the same time, the change he’s describing came about as a result of the capitalist drive for expansion and profit. If capitalism is so adept at leveraging “progress” to shore itself up, then does that make this kind of progress useless?
The last quote, I think, suggests that the answer to this question is “no.” Here Marx points out that factory regulations designed to protect the worker and limit the working day actually accelerate the concentration of capital.
If the general extension of factory legislation to all trades for the purpose of protecting the working class both in mind and body has become inevitable, on the other hand, as we have already pointed out, that extension hastens on the general conversion of numerous isolated small industries into a few combined industries carried on upon a large scale; it therefore accelerates the concentration of capital and the exclusive predominance of the factory system. It destroys both the ancient and the transitional forms behind which the dominion of capital is still partially hidden, and replaces them with a dominion which is direct and unconcealed. But by doing this it also generalizes the direct struggle against its rule. While in each individual workshop it enforces uniformity, regularity, order and economy, the result of the immense impetus given to the technical improvement by the limitation and regulation of the working day is to increase the anarchy and the proneness to catastrophe of capitalist production as a whole, the intensity of labour, and the competition of machinery with the worker. By the destruction of small-scale and domestic industries it destroys the last resorts of the ‘redundant population’, thereby removing what was previously a safety-valve for the whole social mechanism. By maturing the material conditions and the social combination of the process of production, it matures the contradictions and antagonisms of the capitalist form of that process, and thereby ripens both the elements for forming a new society and the forces tending towards the overthrow of the old one. (635)
In other words, factory legislation designed to protect the working class by limiting the length of the working day also makes the rich richer in a sense; it shuts down smaller workshops or forces them to be absorbed by larger ones. Large-scale factories spread. Labor becomes more intense. The worker must compete with more machines. The worker gets less options on the labor market, which becomes more tumultuous. But Marx seems to imply that even though capitalists will be content to take advantage of these developments, and even though in some ways they compromise the options workers have for selling their labor, it’s still worth mobilizing and fighting for regulation because (besides the fact that this is the only life we get) articulating a coherent struggle against power is necessary for the eventual overthrow of the current system and the imagining of a new and better one. The regulation of modern industry is an unveiling; this is just what capitalism looks like underneath.
I’m not sure if I’m right about this interpretation, and if I am, I’m not sure what I think about it.