Bavor V.

At least coffee 117 or Not all viruses are the same.

Not so long ago, we were hit by the coronavirus epidemic called covid-19. And all the magic and dancing around this virus ended up with only one result. Bad. Yes, it was neutralized, but what was happening around it has caused people to be quite skeptical about any other viruses. Which is wrong in that there can really be a variant that will be really dangerous and can cause a global pandemic. The biggest blame falls on Pfizer, which has made quite a lot of money from covid. Especially by being able to impose its vaccine on the world. And in more than small amounts. This was joined by the World Health Organization, which over time began to look like a branch of Pfizer. Well, the crown was put on by the media, which were unable to inform about the true origin of this virus. And when the origin was finally proven, it was too late to fix anything.

In our country, the so-called democratic opposition took care of the distrust of the infection. The attitude of its representatives towards the frightened and at the same time responsible Babiš government has marked the thinking of many people. In fact, no matter what measure the government wanted, it was always either bad or inconsistent, or too harsh, too late, or too early. And it was similar with the support of disabled people and companies. Too much was given, but at the same time little. This was reflected by doctors, who described any death at the time as a result of the coronavirus. In fact, it was not the thirty thousand attributed to the Babiš government. It was significantly less. People were dying of their common diseases, in which covid only managed to weaken the body so that it could no longer resist the disease.

Currently, another dangerous virus has appeared, i.e. hantavirus. And the media is also starting to revolve around it like around covid. I'm not a virologist, so I can't assess its danger, but so far it doesn't look like it has any major significance. But a lot of people are afraid of it. But not because of its effects, but because of possible attacks on vaccination coercion by virologists and their superior pharmaceutical companies.

As far as covid is concerned, I have the required three doses in me. But after my experience with propaganda, I don't see a single reason to plan any further doses. And this despite the fact that I had no consequences after vaccination, and on the contrary, from that last "dot" I began to avoid even the dangerous disease of all men, i.e. a cold. On the other hand, I was vaccinated against the flu for the last time about forty years ago and it took me two weeks. I haven't had the flu since then.

So these results tell me that I have some natural immunity in me that doesn't need to be compromised by any vaccine. That's why I reject any vaccine that isn't really properly tested. I don't trust quick sourdough from Pfizer or similar others anymore.

I'm just somehow subconsciously afraid of the situation where there would be a real enemy in any biological form. Perhaps my experience could prevent me from effective treatment.

At Least Coffee 116, or Marches of Death with a Hint of Difference.

So we’ve just weathered a period of Sudeten provocations. Posselt’s Landmannschaft held its rally in Brno. Supposedly in memory of the Brno Death March and, at the same time, as a march of reconciliation.

I have nothing against Germans as such. They’ve been coming here for years; the descendants of those who were expelled tend to their ancestors’ graves, organize pilgrimages to border churches, and contribute to their preservation. And they don’t offend anyone by doing so. On the contrary, they are at least tolerated, if not directly welcomed. Because caring for the graves of loved ones and holding traditional services in border churches are examples of how we can get along well. Because these people do not shout false slogans about injustice and violence. These people know full well what has happened here since the year a certain Austrian painter named Adolf came to power in Germany.

But holding a Landsmannschaft rally here—an organization founded by the very people who participated in the atrocities committed in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia—is an inappropriate provocation and a denial of all the tolerance and friendship we have built so far. And to portray some incident in Brno as a terrible catastrophe is a contempt for the victims of the actual transports and death marches. And there were plenty of them here. There is hardly a place through which such a transport or march did not pass.

The most famous place is, of course, Terezín. Jews destined for extermination were herded here. From there, trains of death were organized to Auschwitz, where their lives ended in the gas chambers.

But the greatest number of such marches and transports took place in the final year of the war. Here, the Germans’ fanatical hatred toward anyone they disliked even slightly was on full display. Among the worst was the transport from Grünberg to Volary. It ended in Volary on May 6, 1945. It was thus brought to an end by the liberation of the area by the U.S. Army. The march began with about 1,200 mostly Jewish women. About 118 severely exhausted women reached Volary. The rest are buried in various mass graves along the route, and over ninety victims are buried directly in Volary. Anyone who finds this hard to believe can see for themselves at the Volary Museum.

In the opposite direction, a transport of mostly Russian prisoners of war was dispatched, bound for the Mauthausen concentration camp in Austria. The train was attacked by American dive bombers in Katovice in the Strakonice region. The guards scattered to take cover, and František Gál, a railway worker from nearby Dražejov, took advantage of this. He opened the train cars and allowed the prisoners to escape. The prisoners, pursued by SS members, scattered throughout the surrounding area. According to historical sources, seven of them were shot near Novosedly, and another four near Katovice. The rest managed to escape thanks to the help of the brave residents of Katovice and the surrounding villages. They hid in the attics of houses and in the forests until the area was liberated by the U.S. Army. At the cemetery in Katovice, there is a grave with a memorial plaque commemorating this event. In the forest behind Střelské Hoštice, at a place called Dominka, there is a memorial to three Russian soldiers who were also shot by German soldiers.

When one mentions Postoloprty, the deaths of German civilians in June 1945 come to mind. Yet this event, too, had its own cause. Marches of death of concentration camp prisoners: Toward the end of the war, transports of Jewish prisoners passed through Postoloprty and the surrounding areas (e.g., the route toward Lenešice and Terezín). Exhausted people died right on the road or were mercilessly killed along the way by SS officers and local Nazi sympathizers.

Surely many of you could add your own experiences from your local areas. The following list is certainly incomplete:

Western Bohemia (Pilsen and Karlovy Vary Regions): – Tachov (~600 victims) – Žihle near Pilsen (~273) – Stod (~240) – Nýrsko (108 in several graves) – Other stops near Domažlice, Přeštice, etc. South and Southwest Bohemia: – Volary (95+) – Kaplice (117) – České Velenice (512) Northwestern and Northern Bohemia: – Bohosudov (311) – Březno near Chomutov (286) – Blatno near Jesenice (52) – Marches through the Chomutov, Louny, Nový Bor, and Varnsdorf regions (e.g., from Schwarzheide). Eastern Bohemia and Moravia:

Marches in January–February 1945 through the Svitavy, Litomyšl, Olomouc, and Šumperk regions (prisoners from eastern camps).

I would like to see events like gatherings of Sudeten vultures and Nazis never take place again in the territory where their ancestors committed the worst atrocities imaginable.

No one points this out

Throughout 1945, a large number of Nazi death marches and death transports took place across the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia (today’s Czech Republic). These were not one or a few large marches, but dozens of smaller and larger columns of prisoners from evacuated concentration camps (Flossenbürg, Buchenwald, Dachau, Gross-Rosen, Schwarzheide, and others), who were driven before the advancing Allies. The marches and trains passed through mainly between January and May 1945, with the highest intensity in the spring. The prisoners (often women of Jewish origin, political prisoners, Poles, Russians, etc.) marched under inhumane conditions—without food, in the cold or rain, many barefoot and malnourished. Those who could not keep up were shot. Dozens of mass graves remained along the route.

The most famous death march in the Czech Republic: Volary (from Helmbrechts to Volary)

Date: April 13 – May 6, 1945 (final phase).

Origin: It had begun earlier (from Grünberg via Helmbrechts – a branch of Flossenbürg).

Participants: Approximately 1,200 prisoners (mostly Jewish women).

Route: Through western and southern Bohemia (including the areas of Svatava, Domažlice, Mrákov, Anín, and Blařejovice) → Volary → partially onward to Prachatice/Husinec.

Victims: Only a few dozen women from the entire transport survived. On May 5, approximately 118 severely exhausted women were left to their fate in Volary. Hundreds died in the vicinity of Volary and along the route (the mass grave in Volary contains over 90 victims).nasinebocizi.czThis march is the best documented and most frequently commemorated (including an exhibition at the Museum in Volary).

Other significant areas and marches

The marches passed through virtually the entire territory, but the highest number of victims remained in these locations (estimates of the number of dead in mass graves):

Western Bohemia (Pilsen and Karlovy Vary Regions):

– Tachov (~600 victims)

– Žihle near Plzeň (~273)

– Stod (~240)

– Nýrsko (108 in several graves)

– Other stops near Domažlice, Přeštice, etc.

Southern and southwestern Bohemia:

– Volary (95+)

– Kaplice (117)

– České Velenice (512)

Northwestern and Northern Bohemia:

– Bohosudov (311)

– Březno near Chomutov (286)

– Blatno near Jesenice (52)

– Marches through the Chomutov, Louny, Nový Bor, and Varnsdorf regions (e.g., from Schwarzheide).

Eastern Bohemia and Moravia:

Marches in January–February 1945 through the Svitavy, Litomyšl, Olomouc, and Šumperk regions (prisoners from eastern camps).

At Least Coffee 115, or A Spite Is a Spite.

Babiš’s government introduced EET, or Electronic Sales Recording. The idea was to prevent money from disappearing into the gray market and to ensure proper accounting. At first, there were plenty of people who protested and resisted. But over time, people began to realize that EET was leveling the playing field for businesses. And the number of supporters began to grow. The COVID-19 pandemic also played a role, as card payments became more widespread instead of cash. Even such payments were difficult to conceal. So, this was another step toward equality in business. Especially in the hospitality industry.

Many business owners went out of business back then. But they didn’t go out of business because EET could have harmed them in any way. They just needed to interrupt their company’s financial history, because it would suddenly become clear how their accounting had changed. And now, under a new name and with the same staff, the companies carried on. But it was no longer possible to prove how they had manipulated their sales figures.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, the government made a terrible mistake. It suspended the system. And immediately after the worst restrictions were lifted, the consequences began to show. And Fiala’s government only made matters worse by deciding to simply abolish EET. It ignored the objections of a significant portion of business owners who had begun to realize the system’s benefits. They simply said they would abolish it, and so, regardless of public opinion, they did. The result was that many businesses—not just restaurants—immediately lost the option to accept card payments. Only cash. This once again opened the door to manipulating sales figures and tax evasion.

Essentially, anyone who doesn’t accept card payments can almost certainly be labeled a tax evader. Yet, on the contrary, the number of those who accept any form of payment is growing. I’ve already seen that at Christmas markets, there are stalls where card payments are considered quite normal. It’s not all stalls, but it’s slowly spreading. And established restaurants have no problem with it at all.

And because business owners are also interested in reviving this system, Babiš’s government is planning to revive it. There will be certain changes. It is expected that those who were not part of the system even before the COVID era will no longer be forced to join. It will also no longer be necessary to force receipts on customers. But the original group of businesses where direct payments are common will remain in the system.

Although it is possible to pay without terminals. But only if the seller can generate a QR code and the buyer knows how to use it. But even this option is becoming more widespread. Not on a massive scale, but it is spreading.

But the opposition once again wants to wage a battle against EET, even though the majority of business owners praise this system. Not everyone, of course, but today it really is the majority. The system also brings other benefits specifically for business owners. It simplifies accounting. And because accounting systems can adapt to these conditions, business owners can easily gain an overview of their financial status, inventory, and tax obligations. So the former government, which wanted to wipe this very system off the face of the earth, will once again supposedly fight for business owners. But which business owners? Perhaps those who see the absence of EET as an opportunity to enrich themselves at the expense of others. Even though today, the ability to offer card payments is becoming an advantage. So once again, it’s just a petty act of defiance against the current government. Regardless of what is becoming more in demand.

At Least Coffee 114, or The Prácheň Hill Fort

To mark the anniversary of the end of the war, an association called “Prácheň Lives” organized a guided tour of the Prácheň hillfort. First and foremost, it is necessary to clarify why we are not talking about a castle—that is, its ruins—but rather a hillfort. This is because the entire site covers a somewhat larger area than just the castle itself.

When you walk or, better yet, drive to the Prácheň cemetery, you must pass by a high rampart, which is a remnant of the original fortified settlement’s rampart, protecting the area from potential invaders. This brings you to the parking lot in front of the cemetery, which includes the small Church of St. Clement, whose very dedication suggests its ancient origins. It is said to have been founded by St. Gorazd, a disciple of Methodius, after whom the village he founded—Gorazdovice—is named. Over time, during the reign of the Strakonice Bavor family, the village became a town and is known today as Horažďovice.

The little church standing there today is, of course, not the one founded by Gorazd. And so far, no traces of the very first structure have been found. Perhaps they are part of the foundations of the current building. Who knows.

What is known, however, is that the little church and its history are quite turbulent. Several times during its existence, it even ceased to function as a church; various thieves have robbed it on several occasions, so even the current interior is not original. Although it must be acknowledged that the altar of Saint Clement, along with the figures of Cyril and Methodius, is very impressive. If you look closely, you will see the hand of true folk art. The Stations of the Cross, which are of course part of the interiors of all Catholic churches, are painted in the same style.

The little church is dedicated to Saint Clement, but at one time Saint Adalbert was also venerated here. His image also hangs on one wall in the nave. On the other side are the two messengers of God. This is connected to an event when a certain farmer from nearby Hydčice was afflicted by a severe illness. He prayed to his patron saint—his name was also Adalbert—so fervently that he was healed. And it was in honor of Adalbert that he donated a considerable sum to the church, and for some time the church was dedicated to this very saint.

The church has one more interesting feature. And that feature is two bells. One, of course, is legendary, and the other is real. In the days when Půta Švihovský of Rýzmberk ruled the Horažďovice region, this allegedly cruel lord decided that the little church needed to be renovated. And so that he wouldn’t have to pay for the repairs himself, he had the church bell taken down, turned it upside down, and began collecting money inside it. At first, the money came in quite quickly, but the bell still wasn’t full. So Lord Půta decreed that every one of his subjects must put all the money they had into the bell. The last person to be subjected to this was a poor widow, who had to throw her last three kreutzers into the bell. She threw them in, cursed the bell, and it sank into the rock of Prácheň. And so far, no one has discovered this treasure.

As for Mr. Půta, he was, on the contrary, a very educated and wise man. He was strict, but mainly with himself, not with his subjects.

The actual bell is interesting for an entirely different reason, though it is quite miraculous in its own right today. It dates back to the time of Mr. Půta’s reign, making it around five hundred years old. The association invited a master bellmaker to inspect it, and he found that the bell is completely undamaged, exactly as it was in the year it was cast by the master bellmaker of that time. Given the course of events surrounding the church, one could say that this, too, is a miracle. The problem, however, is its mounting, which is in poor condition, and given the lack of space around the bell, it is not yet clear how to repair it.

The castle itself is really just a ruin, where it is difficult to make out the original outlines of the individual structures. Moreover, the terrain at the top of the hill is very rugged, so the castle does not even have a proper courtyard where events such as banquets could take place. In fact, it was never intended for permanent use by any particular estate; rather, it served as an administrative center—or, one might say, something like a regional office. That is why castellans resided at the castle. Although not every castellan lived directly at the castle entrusted to him. Most had officials to handle that. That is why it was possible for some castellans to administer multiple castles in this manner.

We know some castellans by name; the most notable is a certain Vítek of Prčice. Yes, that Vítek, who was the forefather of the most powerful family in southern Bohemia, namely the Lords of the House of Rose.

By the thirteenth century, the castle was already abandoned and slightly dilapidated. That is why King John of Luxembourg decided to gift it to his supporter Bavor III, who planned to move his residence from Bavorov Castle to this very site and, at the same time, develop the town at its foot. However, Bavor III died very young and without heirs. And since he had agreed with his two brothers, William and Nicholas, to divide the estate—with Prácheň and Horažďovice falling to him—the castle once again lost its significance. And during the time when Půta Švihovský was the owner, it began to fall into complete disrepair. Půta oversaw a minor renovation of the small church, but he had no interest in the castle. He himself lived alternately at his original castles in Švihov and Rábí.

The association working to maintain the fortified settlement also collects local legends. One of these, aside from the legend of Pút’s Bell, is the tale of the Prácheň hermit. It is said that this hermit lived in the lower palace, where the castle chapel may have been located—a possibility suggested by the semicircular arch at the end of one of the rooms. And so, in memory of this legend, the hermit has reappeared. It must be said that the association really did a great job.

At Least Coffee 113, or: The Border Regions Are Not the Sudetenland.

So Posselt’s Sudeten Germans held their own assembly in Brno. Germans who contributed to the destruction of the state and were rightly expelled as a result are suddenly claiming their rights again. On top of that, our president, Petr Pavel Pávek, speaks of apology and reconciliation. Apparently, it was an act linked to collective guilt.

It wasn’t. I lived for a time in the borderlands, where there used to be more Germans than Czechs. But even here, after that “collective” expulsion, a few Germans remained. While walking through Český Krumlov, I would occasionally encounter older women speaking a sort of German among themselves. You could call it a Krumlov dialect. To me, it was a completely mysterious language, because personally, I consider German to be a throat disease. And that’s why I never even studied it.

I personally knew several German families. We lived in the same village, after all. Yes, there was an old lady there who absolutely refused to use any Czech words, so her son handled everything that needed to be done. And even he was somewhat unapproachable. Then there was a family that was very friendly and chatted warmly with everyone. I have a wonderful memory of them. When my first son was born, naturally I celebrated properly with my coworkers at the end of my shift. I made it home safely by bus and went to the local store to buy something. I didn’t buy anything, but I joyfully shouted to the whole store that I had a son. Well, the lady was also there shopping, and later she said to me in a wonderful Czech-German phrase: “ Tákova štástna tatínek sem eště nevydela.” Another German from the village worked at the same company as I did, and if it weren’t for the other locals, I would never have recognized him. Another worked at a local small business as a production foreman. Including his sons.

I didn’t know them before I moved there, so I didn’t know their stories from the time of the German occupation. But apparently, there was no reason for them to be expelled.

So who would our president want to reconcile with, and to whom would he want to apologize? After all, those Germans who hadn’t committed any crimes could have stayed here just fine. Conversely, there are known cases of families who left of their own accord, even though they could have stayed.

My Bavorovna also has mixed origins. Her father was the son of a German and a Czech woman. They never lived in the borderlands; they spent most of their time in Prague and later here near the Otava River. After the war, the German man left voluntarily, leaving his wife and two sons behind. It was the harsh postwar period, but despite that, my father-in-law managed to learn a trade and become a sought-after craftsman. And this despite the fact that his native language was his father’s German and he never really learned to write in Czech.

The expulsion itself was actually a humanitarian act. And since war crimes have no statute of limitations, there would have been a long struggle ahead. For if the Sudeten Germans had remained here, most of them would have been brought to trial, and a large number would have ended up on the gallows. Because it was they who committed grave crimes against humanity here. Starting with the expulsion of Czechs from the border regions, when they were allowed to take almost nothing but the bare essentials. And many of them also participated in violence during the occupation. So if they had stayed, not only would there have been a lot of trials, but many of the affected Czechs would have wanted to find those who had harmed them, which would have led to further violence. Yes, the expulsion was necessary for both sides of the conflict. For us, because we got rid of enemies of the state. And for them, because in many cases it saved their lives.

Well, and in the end, a paradox actually emerged. The expelled Germans were—and still are—better off than we were under the former regime.

At Least Coffee 112, or A Week Full of Messes.

The past week has been quite eventful. I don’t intend to comment on everything that happened here; I’ll just highlight a few highlights. And choosing which ones to mention is really tough.

Parasites. At a private gathering, Filip Turek labeled certain people as parasites. He was, of course, referring to eco-fanatic groups connected to the Ministry of the Environment. Yet at the same time, he fired an Oxford law graduate from the ministry. A man who was engaged in precisely such activities. According to the media, he is an expert on ecology. Presumably an expert on how environmental NGOs should behave toward the state. Mainly where to get as much government money as possible and where to do the most harm to the state in return. And the combination of these two events sparked a scandal in which Filip Turek labels ministry officials as parasites. Understandably, Mr. Lukačovič’s notorious media outlets are making the most noise. And adding to this with its loud yapping is the tiny Chihuahua known as ŠafrFórum.

License fees. Now this is a disaster affecting a large part of the country, especially the Litoměřice region. I hope the locals will forgive me, but here I’m paraphrasing Jára Cimrman. Abolishing the collection of fees directly from residents and businesses and shifting them to tax payments supposedly means that state—what else—television will be nationalized. Real logic. A situation just as catastrophic as, for example, in the judicial system will arise here. Or the police. Or the army. Not to mention the many other institutions that are paid for from the state budget, i.e., from taxes. Not to mention that seventeen member states of the European Union have long since implemented the same system of paying for television and radio. So this is by no means a groundbreaking innovation. We’re simply aligning ourselves with most countries in the European Union.

Culture Minister Ota Klempíř, in defending the abolition of the fees, used a somewhat inappropriate turn of phrase and unwittingly played into the hands of the idiotic opponents. He stated that the fees are being abolished because the majority of the population does not want them. And immediately a herd of fools sprang up, claiming that taxes should be abolished as well, since most people don’t want them. Which is, of course, nonsense. Taxes are necessary for the functioning of the state. But TV license fees are not.

Not a week goes by without Agent Pávek, otherwise known as PePa—that is, President Petr Pavel—making an appearance somewhere. His latest statement, worthy of his frozen mindset, was the “United States of Europe.” That is, something modeled after the United States of America. Which, of course, would have to mean a single currency, a single army, a single migration policy, and a host of other unified institutions. In other words, a loss of sovereignty. It’s clear who would determine the policy of this nonsensical entity. Germany, with its deranged leaders. So, a demonstration of just how brainwashed that brain really is. And as if that weren’t enough, we’re supposedly supposed to reconcile with the Sudeten Germans and apologize to them. I could sort of understand that reconciliation if they had actually taken a sincere, conciliatory step. But apologize? For what, for heaven’s sake? For expelling them after the war, when they actively participated in the extermination of the populations of Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia? No sane citizen of the Czech lands can possibly accept this.

Incidentally, the president made a similar statement in Terezín, where he included our nation among the executioners.

Military spending according to NATO regulations. The state budget had allocated an amount exceeding 2% of GDP. NATO headquarters reduced our estimate to 1.7%. And immediately, the opposition smart alecks appeared, claiming that we did not want to meet the promised two percent. In reality, they weren’t able to meet it either. The NATO table spoke clearly. But apparently even NATO Secretary General Rutte doesn’t have the full picture, since he claims that everyone met the two percent. Only a dog could make sense of it.

At Least Coffee 111, or Dynamo!

They say karma is free. Or, in some cases, that God’s mills grind slowly but surely. Which describes the situation of České Budějovice’s Dynamo more accurately. As a South Bohemian, I’m naturally a fan of all the good things happening here. That’s why I was a fan of both Motor and Dynamo. But as a Prácheň patriot, I’m an even bigger supporter of Strakonice soccer. And that’s where the rub lies—or rather, that’s the karma.

Many years ago, Strakonice’s SK 1908 played soccer in the third division. And at that time, it also served as a feeder club for Dynamo. But in 2012, Dynamo’s management at the time decided to turn Strakonice’s SK into their B team and, along with the name, moved all the players to České Budějovice. As a result, soccer in Strakonice effectively ceased to exist in 2014. But the local enthusiasts weren’t happy with that, so they founded a new club called Junior Strakonice. And they set out on a journey to return to the regional elite.

2012—All youth players were transferred from SK 1908 to the newly founded club FK Junior Strakonice. This effectively created a direct successor.

2013 — A men’s A-team (composed mainly of former SK players) was also formed under FK Junior. It started in the lowest divisions (4th Division).

2014–approx. 2017/18 — A series of annual promotions from the 4th Division through the district championship up to the 1st A Division. In 2014, they celebrated their first major success and promotion.

Approx. 2018/19 — After another two years, promotion to the South Bohemian Regional Championship (the 5th highest division in the Czech Republic). The club has competed continuously in this division to this day.

November 21, 2024 — The club officially announced a return to its original name, SK Strakonice 1908, z.s. (The ID number remained the same as under Junior; no debts from the original SK were carried over). The colors reverted to the traditional white and blue.

And this year, they are even fighting for promotion to the Division.

In contrast, after being relegated from the 1st League, Dynamo is struggling in the middle of the 2nd League, with no major successes. Owners are constantly changing, and relations with the city administration—which owns the soccer stadium—are becoming increasingly tense. The city would like to help the club and buy it outright, but the current foreign owner not only refuses but is also considering moving Dynamo out of Budějovice. The current situation is that the city has terminated the lease agreement for the stadium, thereby preventing the club from participating in the Second League next season. It won’t be easy to find a stadium of comparable quality.

The key question is who is actually responsible for the entire situation in the České Budějovice soccer scene. Local elections are approaching, and the city councilors and some regional councilors (including Governor Kuba) undoubtedly want to demonstrate their decisiveness and ability to “get things done.” And that includes saving our Budějovice “Dynamo,” allegedly controlled by “wicked” foreign businessmen with no proper connection to or understanding of the local soccer tradition.

But that is a fundamental mistake and an example of hypocrisy. The fact that a businesswoman originally from Nigeria became the owner of Dynamo is not the cause of the club’s current problems, but rather a necessary consequence of how the club has developed in recent years.

In a city like České Budějovice (and really, everywhere), the level of elite sports always depends on an agreement among the local business and political elites. In Budějovice, this agreement had long been shrouded in mystery.

The club was officially owned by a group of businessmen, but the division of their roles—and above all, their interests—was far from clear. The same went for the form and reasons behind ownership transfers. The so-called “backroom dealings” in Budějovice soccer were perhaps never conducted in the open.

It wasn’t until 2021 that Dynamo was purchased by a clear and indisputable new owner, Vladimír Koubek, a lawyer from Hluboká nad Vltavou. The fact that this particular person was buying the club met with considerable astonishment and surprise in the city; virtually no one knew who he actually was. And once again, there was speculation about who was actually behind Koubek.

Yet it was an open secret that former top player and club alumnus Tomáš Sivok, with financial backing from billionaire Vlastislav Bříza, had wanted to buy Dynamo from the previous group of businessmen. Due to alleged personal animosities between the businessmen connected to “Hluboká” and Bříza himself, the sale did not go through. Negotiations with other potential investors also fell through.

The club was acquired, under somewhat mysterious circumstances, by lawyer Koubek, who, after a few years, brought it to the brink of collapse and nearly bankrupted himself. First, there were the mysterious ownership ties; then, the transfer to someone whom perhaps no one could have imagined would lead Dynamo to prominence.

And because the city owns the stadium, soccer in Budějovice is closely tied to regional politics; virtually all regional and Budějovice politicians—who are now so vehemently trying to save “Dynámko”—were involved in this unflattering saga. So that it wouldn’t bring shame upon Budějovice.

No, I don’t wish Dynamo a fate similar to what SK Strakonice went through. After all, I’m from South Bohemia, but I’d just like someone to realize that the wheels of justice really do turn. Slowly, but surely.

So for the upcoming soccer season, I have two wishes regarding soccer. First, for Strakonice to advance to the division where they rightfully belong, and for Dynamo to remain in Budějovice, including a return to the top flight.

A terrible disease is spreading across the country. Personally, I call it “Antibabisium dementis.” It affects mainly supporters of the currently unsuccessful opposition. It emerged the moment Babiš’s ANO movement made it not only into parliament but also into the government. At that moment, everyone began to fear what Babiš was proclaiming. That he was opposed to political corruption. And because virtually every incumbent politician was more or less implicated in something, and a tycoon like Babiš was so wealthy that he didn’t need any “kickbacks”—and thus there was nothing to blackmail him with—a systematic wave of hatred began.

I admit that I wasn’t the one who brought him into parliament. Back then, I was still voting for Sobotka’s ČSSD. I ignored Babiš at first. And I kept it up for a long time. Until the moment when the aforementioned disease began to manifest itself. Then I slowly began to switch to his side. Precisely because I sensed how everyone was trying only to harm him, yet they were unable to offer a single reasonable argument.

I had a lawyer acquaintance at the time who was able to explain quite a few things to me. So, for example, I know the exact course of his dispute over his entry in the StB registry.

– In February 2014, the District Court in Bratislava ruled, based on Andrej Babiš’s lawsuit against the ÚPN, that Andrej Babiš was listed in the ÚPN’s files of StB secret collaborators without justification

– A year later, in June 2015, the Regional Court of Appeal in Bratislava upheld this ruling; the ÚPN filed an appeal against it with the Supreme Court of the Slovak Republic

– In February 2017, the Supreme Court of the Slovak Republic again upheld the lower courts’ decision that Andrej Babiš was listed as a secret StB collaborator without justification, whereupon the ÚPN filed a constitutional complaint

– October 2017: The Constitutional Court turns the entire matter “on its head,” overturning all previous decisions of the lower courts on the grounds that the ÚPN cannot be the defendant in the dispute; it does not address the merits of Andrej Babiš’s collaboration

– January 2018: The Regional Court in Bratislava, in accordance with the decision of the Constitutional Court of the Slovak Republic, issues a final ruling dismissing Andrej Babiš’s lawsuit against the ÚPN, in which he claimed he was wrongfully listed in the files as a StB collaborator.

Thus, ALL levels of the general courts in the Slovak Republic have concluded in the case of Andrej Babiš’s lawsuit against the ÚPN that Andrej Babiš is wrongfully listed in the ÚPN’s files of secret StB collaborators

“The evidence presented thus demonstrated that the plaintiff never signed a commitment to cooperate with the StB, nor did he knowingly cooperate with this organization as a secret collaborator; he was not recruited for cooperation in the manner prescribed by the Guidelines for Working with Counterintelligence Collaborators (RMV No. 3/1978), he did not maintain conspiratorial contact with StB agents, did not carry out any tasks for the StB, did not provide the StB with any intelligence information or findings, nor did he provide this organization with any assistance or services that would need to be kept secret. The evidence presented demonstrated that the BUREŠ file was maintained only formally, without any actual cooperation by the petitioner as a secret collaborator, and in light of these facts, his registration as a secret collaborator of the StB was and is unjustified.

The contested judgment of the court of first instance is therefore substantively correct, the court of first instance conducted proper evidence-gathering in the case and, by evaluating the results of the evidence-gathering in accordance with Section 132 of the Code of Civil Procedure, reached the correct factual conclusions and, on that basis, also drew the correct legal conclusion in the case itself… For all the reasons stated above, the appellate court then affirmed the contested judgment of the court of first instance as substantively correct within the meaning of Section 219(1) of the Code of Civil Procedure, noting the correctness of its reasoning pursuant to Section 219(2) of the Code of Civil Procedure.

The fact that the Constitutional Court ultimately ordered these decisions to be formally set aside and Andrej Babiš’s action to be dismissed does absolutely nothing to alter the judicial findings and conclusions contained therein. It simply means that, although those findings were made, Andrej Babiš no longer has formal recourse to them and will seek to enforce them through a new lawsuit in light of the “changing case law according to the Constitutional Court of the Slovak Republic.”

And in the end, Babiš reached an out-of-court settlement with the Slovak Ministry of the Interior, stipulating that the judgments of the Slovak courts are valid and the record will be expunged.

I was able to recognize that the dispute over Čapí hnízdo was artificially created. Because the facts regarding the farm’s separation and the subsidy application speak clearly.

There are several inconsistencies in this case that the anti-Babiš movement ostentatiously overlooks.

1. The independent company (not yet known as Čapí hnízdo at that time) was officially registered in the Commercial Register on December 1, 2008

2. The grant program was announced on December 20, 2008.

3. Establishing (spinning off) a company requires some administrative time, estimated at a minimum of three months. The period from filing the application for registration to the completion of the registration is 30 days—that is, one month. The application was filed on November 1, 2008. Preparations for the spin-off, in the best-case scenario—including a notarized certificate of incorporation, deposits into the account, and other necessary steps—can be estimated to take two months. I speak here from my own experience from the time when I established a limited liability company with a colleague.

4. Who knew that such a grant program would be available in 4.5 months? If so, who can prove that they told Babiš, who decided to spin off a loss-making part of Agrofert just for 50 million?

5. The total value of Čapí hnízdo exceeds 700 million. So that grant is just the “icing on the cake.” They simply gave it a try, and it worked out.

6. The grant was reviewed several times by every possible authority, including the Ministry of Finance under the leadership of a certain Kalousek.

7. It has never happened before that, upon discovering a violation of grant conditions—often even an intentional violation—criminal proceedings were initiated against the grant recipient. In such cases, either part or all of the grant was always returned, and a fine was imposed.

So the political agenda is absolutely clear from this.

And the rumors about how he acquired his wealth are also completely misleading. Because Babiš acquired his wealth in the same way as many others did during that wild post-November privatization period. But unlike other famous privatized companies, Babiš managed to build a holding company that controls a large part of Europe. Two hundred companies located in Germany, Hungary, and many other European countries. When you compare this to Kladno’s Poldovka, Pilsen’s Škoda, and other proud Czech companies, you have to admit that Agrofert is a successful company. An international company. And if someone doesn’t like that Babiš plays hardball in business, then know that there’s another way to put it. Yes, he plays hardball too.

His opponents are constantly harping on about a conflict of interest. And also about how Babiš influences Agrofert. But those who babble like this are incapable of understanding that he has long since had his own people running the holding company and that he really doesn’t know what every single janitor is doing where.

In his dispute with the president, Babiš currently has only two options, and consequently only two possible outcomes. Either he stands behind Minister Macinka and simply sends the president where he belongs—to Lány. Or he gives in and adds the president to the accreditation list. In the first case, he’ll face a storm of criticism from Pávek’s supporters, but he’ll gain support among voters of the coalition parties. In the second scenario, however, he will lose support among his own voters, and he will also come across as weak in Ankara, especially since it’s clear that Pávek will complain about the government and badmouth it just as he has done so far, and Babiš will face pressure from NATO partners, to whom it will be difficult to explain that Pávek has no authority to approve anything. So now it depends on whether he realizes this and stands by his foreign minister. So that everyone speaks with one voice in Ankara.

At Least Coffee 107, or Who Falls Prey to Manipulation.

I’ve often come across discussions about how older people easily fall prey to manipulation by various media outlets. That doesn’t quite add up with what’s happening right here at home. Because:

I get most of my information from iXko and various alternative podcasts. I watch XTV, Echo, and Datarun. On the other hand, I ignore sites like Čestmír and others with similar focuses. So it’s clear what kind of opinions I’m likely to have.

My wife, on the other hand, occasionally watches the news on our/their Czech TV, or depending on the main program, also on Nova or CNN Prima. Besides that, she reads the headlines and occasionally some articles on Seznam. So it’s clear what her views should be. Our household should be politically at odds.

Surprisingly, we both agree. And Bavorovna, though she completely ignores the media I follow, manages to form her own opinions based precisely on what is presented to her. Aside from minor details, we still see eye to eye on this as well. And together we marvel at some of the statements made by politicians who were once in government and are now in the opposition. So all media manipulation passes us by. Especially my Bavorovna; I, on the other hand, can be influenced. But our life experiences tell us exactly where the truth is likely to be found.

But there are also those who truly succumb to media manipulation. Yet these are the very people who, in the past, would have enthusiastically waved Soviet flags and gleefully denounced their neighbors—and we know who wouldn’t have waved those flags. It’s best when it’s precisely those who today enthusiastically demonstrate against the restrictions on manipulation by Czech Television and NGOs who brandish the past, which they experienced at most as Pioneers or perhaps even as Little Sparks.

On the contrary, even our prince—that is, our eldest grandson—is succumbing to mainstream propaganda and is beginning to fear something that is, by the very nature of things, impossible. He would surely even believe that Russian tanks would roll in here after Babiš’s election victory. The fact is, we don’t try to force our opinion on him, because we know that his father—our son—holds similar views.

I wonder why that is? I believe it’s because of our life experiences. We spent half our lives in an era that forced us to read between the lines. So even back then, we were able to form our own opinions and didn’t let ourselves be convinced of the unceasing successes of socialism with a human face. Even back then, we were able to see around us what was the dark side of those so-called successes. We saw the corruption of the time and the sycophancy toward communist officials at various levels. And on the other hand, we also saw the real progress that affected us. For example, new stores, new cultural facilities where we went to have fun, new kindergartens and schools, and even new construction projects, some of which I was involved in as a builder.

Times were what they were. But they certainly weren’t the way those who didn’t roam the world back then—not even with that famous duck—try to portray them.

And that is precisely why we are able to assess the present day for what it truly is. We can gauge what good or harm each government measure might bring, and we don’t need any talking points or those “correct” interpretations to do so.

Brussels International

Come on, people of all countries, come on, join us. There's no better bunch in Europe, better to be with us than alone. We'll teach you how to breathe properly, how to turn a nation into sheep, how to mix black into white, slowly, drop by drop.

In the yoke of your glory, pull for your feed, we'll give you your own rights, always keep your mouth shut, keep in step. Get up every morning, work only for joy. Live only on little money, so there's enough left for us.

Just come, sign the contract just come in, don't be afraid we need another servant to wipe our asses. We'll teach you how to accept quotas naively believe in subsidies. Each of you will own shoes in which you can walk to work.

In the yoke of your glory…

We'll leave you your calluses and rulers easily sold and stupid children already out of school for a beautiful life in the assembly plant. And finally, behind your backyard another factory will grow make your own urns in it it doesn't concern us after all

At least coffee 104, or Former.

You couldn't make this up:

Shortly after the Velvet Revolution, I worked for a research agency. I've forgotten its name, but it never dealt with political research; its focus was always on consumer issues. Occasionally, its name comes up somewhere, but I only realize it when I see it.

Most of the questions always concerned some product on the market, usually banking or investment, sometimes consumer goods. Political questions were always at the end and were only indicative. And they were different in every questionnaire. So it was impossible to prepare for them. The number of respondents was determined, as well as their age, gender, and, in some cases, education. So I had to follow those guidelines. Of course, I visited the respondents repeatedly in various ways. I made my job as an interviewer a little easier.

So it happened one day that one of the otherwise completely neutral questionnaires ended with the question: Who is a greater threat to democracy?

a) Current communists

b) Former communists

And it was precisely this questionnaire with this question that I gave to a former rabid communist. At that time, shortly after the Velvet Revolution, he was of course already a former communist. That question was the very last one. And the former communist answered b).

It really was the last question, so I thanked him and left. Once I was at a safe distance and knew he couldn't hear me anymore, I burst out laughing. This man described himself as a greater threat to democracy.

You really can't make this stuff up.

And when you look at the current fighters for democracy, how many similar people would you find? And all of them then march with Minář and his million-strong herd against democracy in Staromák, Václavák, or Letná. And such a person is our president.

To calm all the haters and similar individuals. I didn't have very good experiences with communists. I had a stain on my record, so I sometimes had problems, and based on my knowledge of the situation, I also knew my cadre and career options. I knew there was a certain ceiling. I could have broken through it, but I would have had to bow down and kiss the ring. I turned down the offer of membership twice. Because I never had the disposition for it. And so there was no point in trying to resist fate.

I even read the statutes at the time and came across a passage that was deeply repugnant to me. I don't remember it today, but it really made me feel sick. So again, that was another reason why I preferred a lower position.

I also knew a lot of other rabid communists who changed sides after the Velvet Revolution and became rabid anti-communists. I hate these hypocrites. Especially when they use their famous double standards on their former party colleagues. And when they raise their offspring to share this diversified hatred. I knew communists of both kinds. The bastards and the honest ones, in lower positions, where they were usually placed against their will, just because it was a party task. And then I met the typical careerists who first accepted and then discarded the red book just for a better position. And, of course, the rabid ones, who later claimed that they themselves were a danger to democracy.

At least coffee 103, or How to deal with television.

There is currently a fierce battle raging over Czech Television. Mainly over how to pay for it. The great defenders of the status quo, i.e. extortion from all citizens and employers, argue that abolishing these payments would bring the television station under the influence of the government. This would threaten its alleged independence. Anyone who occasionally watches Události or other current affairs programs knows that Czech Television has long since ceased to be independent. The blatant favoritism toward one political direction is obvious to anyone with even a modicum of common sense. This threat is, of course, nonsense. Firstly, television license fees are determined by political representatives in the form of parliament, so payment directly from the budget would change to payment by the government's political representatives. And in this case, it is always the same school of thought. Because whoever has parliament also has the government. In addition, there is a growing trend in Europe to abolish license fees and transfer payments to the state. And in no such case is there any talk of a threat to independence.

Opponents of abolishing fees and transferring funding to the state budget paradoxically support the views of others as to why our judiciary is not independent. It is because it is paid for from the state budget.

One of the reasons why fees should be abolished is that the current government does not want pensioners to have to pay them. Hynek Čermák responded to this with the idea that pensioners' children should pay the fees for them. Of course, this has two shortcomings. Many pensioners still have their parents alive. So who would pay for whom? Would the youngest member of the family who is also of retirement age pay for the oldest member of the family who is of retirement age? Or would children have to pay for both their parents and grandparents? This is obviously nonsense. And then there is the second group of pensioners. Those who, for many different reasons, do not have children. And it may not only be those who did not want children. They may have been deprived of children by accident, illness, travel to distant countries, and similar situations. Who would pay for these pensioners?

Rapl Čermák is good at playing his roles, where he learns the prescribed text. But he apparently lacks independent thinking.

And there is another option for solving the current situation. Simply abolish public television and radio and transfer them to private hands. The state would simply order the services it needs, which are demanding and difficult to profit from for television. And it wouldn't have to be Czech Television. We simply need educational programs, so whoever submits the most advantageous offer will be commissioned to produce the necessary program for a certain period of time. And it is quite possible that other television stations would also broadcast programs that the state needs. Perhaps even cheaper than the current juggernaut from Kavčí Hory can produce. And for the rest of the programs, even this privatized television station would earn money just like the others. Through advertising. After all, advertising also appears on Czech Television, only it is called "program sponsorship." Alternatively, programs produced by television stations are marked with PP, or "product placement," which is targeted paid promotion of products or services incorporated directly into the content of a program, film, or series.

There are simply many options for how to proceed with Czech Television and Czech Radio. You may even think of other solutions. But it is definitely not necessary for this one particular service to be paid for differently than other stations.

There are also concerns that the state could reduce Czech Television's budget. Well, it could. And what is the solution then? Every entrepreneur knows that if their sales are falling, they have to start saving somewhere. And that Czech Television doesn't have these reserves? Of course it does. After all, this is evident from the size of the staffs at each station. Czech Television has the largest staff, and is therefore also the most expensive. And yet objectivity is not guaranteed. Other private television stations operate with lower operating costs, yet are able to deliver work of at least the same quality, and often even higher quality.

And what applies to Czech Television also applies to Czech Radio. It's the same there, with the difference that its audience is smaller than that of television. This is because there are many more radio stations than television stations. And then there are lots of options for different recordings on different media for playback in the car. I admit that I am one of those who play their own mix of favorite music in the car. And it's similar at home. I have my own playlists on YouTube, and I play them according to my mood, for example, so that I can write and narrate this story.