NUUGUU - THE KATLE STORYTELLER

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TOMBOLANI

Tombolami is the process whereby a King in eSwati or Kalabaan or Ekelebe or Azul (Africa's names before) would issue out Tabalaza for delivery by Nguni to other Kazis or villages, who also made and contributed Tabalaza, in return.

Tabalaza was a handmade product that, once accepted and approved by the Kingdom King, was distributed, in a very specific order, to Nguni peoples of the different Kingdoms, which was the King's Ay-yoh or Ee-Shuu (a Zulu gesture meaning Power, Completion and represented one's titled Nguni peoples Zulu warrior Strength).

An eSwatini Kingdom person and his Inkhandla became entitled to Tabalaza products, at specifically orchestrated moments in life - normally co-inciding with one would undergoing a particular Nguni peoples Rite of Passage.

In the Great Kingdom of the Zulu - which was known as eSwatini and extended all the way up to what is known as Taanzaania today and included the East Coast countries like Mozambique, Zambia and Malawi. It also included South Africa, Zimbabwe and Botswana, up to a lake that dried up long ago. Angola, Namibia and the countries that make up the rest of the triangular shaped bottom ghalf of Africa was known as the Kingdom of Shivambu or Zimbappe.

Then there was Nkulukulu: the third circular spherical shape, all three making up the whole Africa. Those spheres were known as Imali one, two and three. They were not Kingdoms but rather zones of specific activity.

Imali one was made up of the beaches and cliffside coastlines of Africa. Imali one was for moving Nguni to grazing but also for the delivery of Tabalaza goods. It extended up to 100kms from the coast and was only entered for very specific reasons, unless one was an Nguni herder.

Imali two was the middle sphere that was only for grass-eating animals, except for domesticated Mpoko or African Wild Dogs (the ones with the Mohawk, who were kept for accompanying Sultans to and from the Juma'aa or University (the very first making it's appearance in ancient times) and also to assist Imali 3 workers. Imali two was where the villages were built and where Kingdom King's would grant formations a Kazi to continue with their growth: their Imali and Tabalaza, which had to impress a Kingdom King sufficiently, to be granted a Kazi or village.

Imali 3 was the central sphere known as Nkulukulu. Or the Serengeti , but a bigger more extended version. A storey high mud and grass wall kept the predators of Djungo in and under the watchful eye of the An'Imali whisperers: the Igbobo. The Igbobo were different to the Igbo by their elongated skull, which was made so by wrapping fabric around the skull of a youngster, which caused the head to grow in the shape of a long, Kulcha rasta turban. The Igbobo were the only people to live in Imali 3 and this is because their Imali (outside duty) was taking care of the animals by making different sheltered sleeping and birthing dens, nests, kraals, pens, lofts, tree hideouts and so on. They were also groomed and checked regularly for parasites and injuries that were treated and so on.

There were 12 Tabalaza points which were marked by leather straps tied on different parts of the body or represented by different Inyambezi or animal skin regalia pieces, for example the Buvati lion skin, which are worn as a bracelet or as straightened (with a hot flat Rock) lion's mane hair that is worn on the upper arms and below the knees.

Each Tabalaza or Spenza body part that has either a leather strap wrapped around the limb or a particular Mbvelo or animal hair piece of regalia, represented a level of Spenza training attained and the Tabalaza, that was a reward, for attaining that level of Spenza: which was a series of sparring, stick, knopkierrie and spear fighting, wrestling and throwing spears, as well as sparring without a weapon.

The more sought-after Tabalaza, one would have to do Spenza training, to earn. Spenza training was basically the Tonga's Roman sparring and warfare training, which included, later on, in one's training, wrestling crocodiles and lions and Spenza 1, for example was wrestling in wet mud on one's knees holding one's opponent on the upper arms and wrestling him onto the ground - the first head that touches the ground, being the loser.

Spenza training level dictated when one was issued with much-desired Tabalaza but there were basic Tabalazas, necessary for a life well-lived, in a Kazi, that were rations for any Nguni peoples. They included things like animal skins for regalia purposes and for home mats and blankets, kiTenda for the same purpose, carved wooden water containers of different sizes and for different purposes, yard brooms, donkey and giraffe hoof glue, a cast iron or potjie pot that a whole shipment had been bartered for with people sailing past, who required water, meat and food stuffs. Salt was also a sought after commodity, used for soaking animal skins in, to sanitize and rid of lice and fleas and so on.

Another Tabalaza ration was that of Cowry shells, which were for the purpose of acting as tokens for grass-eating animals hunted. A hunter, fit men in an Nkandla, who were issued a handful of Cowry shells, would hand in a Cowry shells to the NuuGuu, in some Kazis or to one's Nkandla Makhoti or Babba's wife in others and to one's wife or daughter or mother, in others, who would sew the Cowry shells to one's Nkandla mud cloth, which was a record of one's hunts, that was displayed in the meeting Lapa, as a banner, in one's Nkandla's section of the Lapa.

When a King was about to issue Tabalaza, as well as Nguni; to carry the Tabalaza in weaved baskets made specifically for that purpose; the King and Head Herder and Inyambezi members (the Elder herders) would count the Nguni passing, one at a time and beads representing 1, 2, 5, 10, 20, 50, 100, 200, 500, 1000, 2000, 5000, 10 000, 20 000, 50 000 and so on would be issued by King to the herders, who wore them in an x-shape string across their chest.

There were beads for male, female, pregnant, old, newborn, horns drained and those tipped with gold, those Nguni that were damaged, e.g. with an eye poked out or a deep scar, which were usually acquired fighting off a lion and protecting the Herder and the younger Nguni, who rested and slept during the day, in the middle of a big herd.

Amongst the Bushmen, or possibly a relative tribe of the Khoi Khoi, the men were known as Tebogo and the women as Lesego.

The fact is that in the movie Hunger Games, Cinna is probably a misspelling of the Khoi-Khoi Senna and is also a confirmation of this practice of Khoi-Khoi Sennas and Sannas.

Because, for many generations, the Khoi-Khoi, the San, the Bushmen and the QwaNannas (the Strandlopers) had been relegated to a sort of de facto status, in the sense that they were considered to be what was called 'Bantu' tribes. Bantu could mean a foreigner or invader but it applied, actually, to people who just had to come up with a sufficient Imali and Tabalaza to be given a village or Kazi. I personally think they had been displaced and politics then ruled over them and their movements, with an iron fist.

As a result, those tribes were whittled down to single numbers and it was hard for them to procreate without a home Kazi.

In the case of the Khoi-Khoi - they spoke Xi, literally meaning 'click' (with the tongue), which was a difficult language to learn and therefore, very few people other than Khoi-Khoi ever communicated with them, through the insurmountable language barrier.

As a result, the very last Khoi-Khoi man, not Senna but Xi, in honour of his language and him probably being the very last of his kind, who would speak that language, which they believed was magic. It was a language that animals, birds, reptiles, insects, Ancestors and the wind, the rain and the sun, all understood. Xi linked the Khoi-Khoi with the natural world.

Thankfully, in the time of Shaka Zulu, Xi's Imali was noticed and recognised as a legitimate Imali or Outside Duty. He was a tracker and someone who tracked people who had gotten lost or were without water. The animals would come to tell him that there were people, of what tribe (the ones who wear the Impala skin headband who have a kind who wears the leopard skin) they were, how many people they were and exactly where they were. Xi and his ancestors had been tracking people,finding them and bringing them water for generations.

Shaka Zulu, being the nation builder that he was, recognised Xi's Imali as a legitimate Imali and so he was invited to the Zulu homestead. Upon arriving and speaking, through a translator called Mamma Sango, he indicated that he also had developed a Tabalaza or handmade product that was tradable for Tabalaza: this was a mattress of weaving palm tree leaves that had been secured and rendering hard but not brittle, by donkey and giraffe hoof glue. Xi stuffed this mattress with soft impepu bundles and so it made quite a nice, soft and comfortable bed.

Remember that before then, the Zulu slept on a grass mat that was rolled up when they were not sleeping. This may was rolled out on the packed dried mud floor of a homestead's individual khayas or kraals.

And so Shaka Zulu had promoted Xi to a Kazi person and the King just had to wait for the royal leopard couple to have a cub, which was when the Ancestors and nkulukulu authorised the giving of a Kazi or village. Usually, a Kazi would be given to a formation of men but Xi explained that he had been the last Khoi Khoi until a San woman had given birth to his son. His Royal Majesty understood that without a Kazi and a permanent home, that the Khoi had all but died out and promised Xi his own official Kazi, that because of his link to Nkulukulu, would be made an Imbewu or a Royal Nguni village at first opportunity.

So, although many Nguni peoples think of the Khoi Khoi as Bantu or de facto Nguni peoples, they were in actual fact, preliminarily promised a Kazi, which would be made Imbewu shortly after.

WAZIRI or OMARI

SACKCLOTH WEARERS

DUMAS PURPOSE

In case you can't read the script of the above leaflet, I have typed it out below:

These (a Duma or temporary grass hut) are erected when a formation of people that lived in a traditional Kazi before, get a new Kazi (village or territory) from Nkosi baNkosi or the Traditional African Court.

The redbuck skull signifies the fact that the Heir was given permission to leave by his father but only his body returned.

This is common from the days of apartheid and happened to many (traditional) Kazis. Part of the reparation process is the descendants of Kazi or Kingdom Kings receiving their Kazi or Kingdom back, both traditionally and in terms of ownership of land ownership, which is officiated differently in Africa.

Any traditionalist who remembers this Heir as Heir to a Royal Nguni House shoes their ratification (of the municipal emblem of the family and area) of the return of property by attaching a hand-sized ribbon of beadwork and attaching it to the outside of this Duma or grass hut, made like this specifically for this purpose.

If without means (in other words, beads, at that time), a strip of Mbvelo or animal skin will do.

SIDENOTE: I forgot to mention, in this leaflet, that the point of the hand-sized patterned beads is to show your Nkandla's support for the restoration of this Kazi. By putting your family emblem or Nkandla's bead pattern on the Duma, you are basically saying that you know the famiky and the story and this, indeed, was their Kazi grounds.

However, it is also a means of saying that you knew of or heard of their Tabalaza product, maybe from gran or great grandparents and by adding your emblem, you communicate that you would like to trade Tabalaza with them.

But if in the case of one of these emblem bearers being able to bring a sample of your Tabalaza, then the Duma (which is, I suppose, like a referendum that asks the community to ratify this reparation process by showing their support by tying their ribbonwork or beading to the duma. The questions being asked are along the lines of: Should the Traditional Court or Nkosi baNkosi give this Nkandla this Territory? Are they known? If Nguni peoples, was their Tabalaza very valuable and useful and essential to others and their survival or comfort?

In the case of a member of Nguni peoples being able to bring a sample of that family, nkandla, Kazi or Imbewu's Tabalaza, then the construction begins as a sample of their Tabalaza or contribution is thought very highly of: that they were indeed Nguni owners, a titled nkandla and a member of a tribe of the Nguni peoples of Africa.

The answer is known by the end of that Duma period, after which mud and grass construction begins but only after the Zakwe (who are Vendans, in origin) come to do a grounds cleansing ritual. After this, 3 Kraals are built for the purposes of collecting or making or gifting of weapons, musical instruments, grass mats, animal skins, yard brooms, kiTenda and so on.

Also the redbuck skull would mean that it has been one generation that these Nguni peoples have been able to practice Nguni Kulcha again.

I think it is also a signal that the redbuck lived a good life with the goats and died and went Venda.

Another reason for this Duma:

WANTED!!! IMMEDIATE ENCUMBANCY FOR WELL-STONGAD NUUGUU OR SANGHOMA

A position has become available at a associate Nguni firm. The client is said to be of a Royal House and is anxious to fill the position with the right individual; along with 2 Tokoloshe, that the encumbant should be adept at persuading. Only a applicant in ownership of 2 x Qobelo or LARGE Tortoise shells need apply.

ATTRIBUTES REQUIRED

∆ Must be well-versed in Nguni Kulcha and protocols.

∆ Good story-telling skills: a necessity.

∆ Must be apt at "Intoni-ying" after Siko.

∆ Should have good Ancestral hearing capabilities.

∆ Required to make prescriptions that work.

∆ Must be kind to Tokoloshe and Tabalaza and Labour Rights apply.

*Competitive, market-related package

NGUNI GRAZING

The diet of Nguni is very important: this is why Nguni herders travel far to find good grazing, amongst other things. The Nguni need to be sufficiently grazed and strengthened for the walking that they do, over long distances; with baskets of Tabalaza or the handmade products that each titled African House makes and receives; some products are received when married or at the time of different Rites of Passage and so for Tabalaza delivery, Nguni need mostly growing (and not picked and baled) lucerne as their primary source of nutrition. Each different type of lucerne would need to make up a third of their grazing feed, as it has to be a mixed diet.

ONE THIRD TREFOIL

Logically speaking, to have the ideal lucernes growing together and in a thirds ratio, one would probably need to plan, plant and maintain those grazing pastures or spaces.

REGROWTH

Ideally, the lucerne would be a deep and dark green and a metre or more in height, above the ground. Lucerne of that description, mostly, needed to be planted - and closed off from other hungry, grazing animals - and needed to be regularly trimmed or grazed, in order to stimulate regrowth and avoid growth stagnation. Also, to stimulate quick regrowth, lucerne needed to be trimmed or grazed to half a ruler's length and this needed to be done every 6 weeks to three months, if the lucerne was grazed every six months and needed to be ready for the regular return by an Ngene and herder, who made use of rotational grazing fields.

VENDA AS THE SOLUTION

This kind of farming is not traditionally a 7 Sovereign Kingdom's Imali* or Tabalaza*. In Venda - formerly, under colonial powers known as the Transkei - there was, what was known to be the best Nguni grazing, in the 7 Sovereign Kingdoms of eSwati. Venda's grazing was so lush and green and Nguni fattening that most Nguni were kept in Pondoland - or what was known as the Ciskei, during colonization - and taken to Venda to graze for most months of the year, coming back to the Nguni kraals in Pondo, only to rest and be counted.

THE HUMBLE FARMER

So, we needed to learn the best farming habits and methods and to navigate the best and most efficient grazing pasture planning, planting, trimming, feeding and watering and protecting the pasture from too much midday sun, which is a natural enemy of any green plants but especially soft grasses like lucerne, if there is a lack of water.

BENEFITS

Lucernes, such as trefoil, are great for grazing animals as they reduce greenhouse emissions - i.e. Nguni farts - and aid digestion, kill internal and external parasites, as well as having a fattening effect on grazing animals. In addition, grazing animals don't suffer from bloating and the pain and irritation associated with eating the wrong feeds and growing grasses.

FIELD OF BROWN WEEDS

Any old grass, especially browned grass or dried out grasses are not the correct pasture nor is any very green plan that has thistles or thorns - those are weeds and despite the fact that some are that lovely green colour, they are painful to eat and are not good for Nguni.

CATNIP FOR NGUNI

Another consideration is that Nguni seem to love lucerne and will hasten and trot, upon seeing a lucerne pasture in the distance. Separating them from this beloved lucerne is counter productive as Nguni are not like goats, in the sense that goats eat anything, whereas Nguni are quite picky and needed long, lush, green lucernes to keep up a healthy weight.

HIGH CALORIES

The glucose index or sustained energy levels/kilojoules of lucerne, consumed is low and grazing animals maintain a hefty weight, provided the Nguni are grazing daily and that this is a continued practice. ALL GRAZING ANIMALS HAVE TO GRAZE FOR AT LEAST A FEW HOURS EVERY DAY.

SHADE NEEDED

Things to consider when planning a lucerne field is, if it is at all possible, it is good planting a field, where a mountain or natural feature or rock formation provides some shade on the grazing field when approaching midday and after midday; when the topsoil is at it's hottest.

CHECK THE TEMP.

Getting a thermometer in the ground to check that topsoil temperatures do not heat up over 32°c is also good as most plants do not sustain good yield when topsoil (the first centimetre of soil) reaches and surpasses a topsoil temperature of 32°c.

WET BULB TEMP. OF 32°c

Taking a year's practice run in the planned field space, checking soil temperatures and recording them regularly, can help tremendously, as one can plan and build latticed walls or establish a plant trellis or creeper plants against a semi-transparent fence etc. to keep the wet bulb temperature of 32°c from approaching. This can be avoided by using abovementioned methods of shading the topsoil around lunchtime, when the sun is at it's apex.

BULBS DIE UNDERGROUND

At this temperature of 32°c, any bulbs underground are completely dehydrated and die. Another way to combat this and also stimulate the growth of lucerne is to plant water pipes a few centimetres underground and to water the lucerne from under the topsoil, as the temperature nears 32°c, thereby keeping the soil temperature down, as well as stopping the evaporation of this water by watering underground from water pipes that are planted underground for this purpose.

NGUNI WATER TROUGH

All grazing animals should have easy access to water, at the grazing site in order to be able to push on with the journey and for overall good health.

WATER AVAILABLE ALL OVER

Where water is concerned, there are various atmosphere water harvesting and rain catching methods that can sustain your grazing field, as there are rural, agricultural water use restrictions placed on how much water one would be able to use from a municipal tap. If one goes over the water consumption limits, one can be fined large amounts of money for non-compliance by one's Municipality or National government. For verifying the rate of water usage, taps are fitted with meters that count litres moving through the meter, during a certain period of time. These meters are the really the government's way of ensuring that agricultural operations are not using all the municipal water for commercial usage.

OBEY WATER RESTRICTIONS

Although, we should obey the water restrictions/regulations; which allow for all municipal water users to have access to water; all year round. When we are guilty of unbridled use of water from municipal taps or do not discourage it, we normally find ourselves completely without water or under heavy water restrictions, until the next heavy rainfall.

Orisha is ancient Africa's Perfect Law, which consisted of Orishas or Lessons or Teachings or Stories. The Orisha would usually be named after a person in our history that faced a difficult choice and who made a choice and the consequences, thereafter. By analysing the story of that person's query, we make our own conclusions as the Orisha does not tell you what to think but allows you your own dissemination of information, that comes in the form of an Orisha or a story. An Orisha being named after a person is a promotion that someone is given and an emblazonment or device on our armourial bearings and on the Orisha of our home Kazi or village.

The village Orisha is something different. It is basically a consensus, which is recorded by a spiral of Cowry shells. Sometimes the Cowry shells have the closed side showing up or the split side which mean different things. The Orisha is emblazoned on an Imbewu or Royal Nguni village's surrounding wall and is the count done since the last emblazonment, which happens every few years. It includes a count of men, women and children, it records the number of Nguni, the amount of clashes and the fatalities, any Kings that ascended and how long their reign lasted, the amount of Nguni skins used for Kotla, the amount of Nguni herders, Tabalazas produced in that Imbewu and so on. It tells of droughts, famines, good rain, good crops, an increase in Nguni or human births and of how many portents required the consultation with the Orisha, which was represented by the Orisha King and Queen, who acted as portent readers and Orisha interpreters. This was done in their home Kingdom, which was roughly just below modern day Mali.

One of the Orishas is basically made up of the protocols regarding what Kazi people would do if a mother had a septuplet, a quintuplet, a tetrarchy etc. i.e. a set of multiple children in one birth pack.

The Orisha was written or embellished in our Kazi's mud and grass Kazi walls; which were sometimes mixed in with big stones for the first metre above ground for the Mcholo (crocs) who would push with their snout through Kazi walls, thistles or thorn bushels at the top and woven palm/coconut/acacia tree fronds mixed in as foundation or on top, for privacy and shade. It was on these walls of mixed materials that The Orisha was written, or recorded to be remembered, in Cowry shells.

To indicate a male, the split side of the Cowry shell would be face up, representing the leather string that one would wear when going to the mountains or NkuluKoots, to become a man.

The closed side of the Cowry shell represented women or girls and so the Law of Orisha; which dictated what every birth pack of more than one child was called, by Umoya, to Imali and to Tabalaza, as multiples.

Multiples can be very difficult, even trouble-makers, when not raised happily and in a balanced, fair and destiny-clad way.

Multiples need to stay in their birth packs and special care and attention needs to be paid to how the Makhoti and later, Inkhoti, Imali headband them (teach them) and these parents needed to pay special attention to the Orisha.

The Orisha is recorded as sets of Cowry shells, shaped in a flower, which has different sides up or down, to represent males and females in the different Orisha.

The Law of Orisha, therefore, was embellished in Kazi walls in order to remember them and to have the Orisha there to consult. This later became a bit of a script and could even be read as stories, written in Cowry shells.

SHWESHWE

ShweShwe is the pattern of kiTenda that was used for South Africa before the current day Himba pattern.

It is made up of a flower petal shape that is curled up on the outside bit.

The other ShweShwe pattern is a series of circles, aligned exactly one above the other.

But I want to mention who the ShweShwe were: a formation that was the Makhosi's first Imali-ying formation, in the State of Enugu.

There has been fire set to most Kazis by passing ships that had catapulted mortar shells and had started a fire that wreaked Africa. Many Kazis burnt, food plantations and many people went NkuluKulu or Venda, as a result of smoke inhalation and the more serious burn injuries.

NkuluKulu was also nearly lost, as the An'Imali panicked and escaped NkuluKulu and probably pushed through the narrow gaps in the mud and grass walls of Imali 3.

So, the ShweShwe were storyteller performers, to the Makhosi's nightly Umlilos or The Fires of Enugu.

They painted eyes on, below, above, I between and outside of their eyes, which they used to create eyes opening and closing and was a fascinating thing to watch their movement, first as a unit and then, theatrically, they would all move into different poses and stances, moving toward a person with style.

They went, every night in search of survivors and painted themselves everyday for this Imali.

At home, their Tabalaza was palm tree leaf weavings, when they could find unburnt trees. They also made finding giraffe hooves a priority and the cast iron pots of the NuuGuu, as donkey or giraffe hoof glue could be boiled and kept in Kalabash, for later use, which was a sealant for palm tree weavings and many other things.

The ShweShwe Orisha was made up of 5 boys and their story and Imali is an Orisha.

Orisha is also the long, unbroken wall that surrounded Nkulukulu or Imali 3: the Serengeti.

This wall was about a storey high and was built to keep the predators of Imali 3 inside the parameters of the wall. There were only two places that the wall ceased and this was at the foot of Kilamanjaro Mountain as well as the lake that was situated at the north of where Botswana is today.

Xi was a Khoi-Khoi, who was the very last Khoi-Khoi. His people usually never took a name other than Senna (like Lenny Kravitz in The Hunger Games) for men and Sanna for women. In the regalia of the number, they talk about 'bruin ongemerkte boots'. This is a referral to the Sennas that would build your regalia from grass roots level, as the Khoi-Khoi's Imali (or outside duty) had been to find water.

When the Tonga or the Zulu or any Kazii person was Inkazi, on a Rite of Passage, before one's cow bladder (a traveling water container) had been found to be empty; a precious Senna would have made his appearance.

Sennas say that they travel far to come your aid (but have shortcuts or Enchantments to shorten the distance traveled). This is made possible by, amongst some: the gecko, the snake, the boxer or Praying Mantis and several other species that will come and tell Senna when there is someone in need, where they are and how many days or hours their water will last them.

Taking to a Kkhoi-Khoi sprint, Senna makes his way to you and upon finding you, the animals directing him en-route, he will take your cow bladder and fill it from a variety of sources: trees, roots, plants, rocks and even animals (in emergencies. And not from the bladder and the animal also lives, with no damage done to it).

Senna is a kind, gentle soul, if a bit Django Bunny. He considers others and is very fun to be round and jovial. His language is complex and difficult to learn or understand but well worth taking the time to learn, absorb and practice, as it is a satisfying language to speak or click, as they would say in Kkhoi-Khoi.

The Sannas are very loyal and the antics of Sennas are an ongoing inspiration behind the absolute loyalty and endearing love between a Senna and a Sanna.

The Khoi-Khoi dig a dugout, which they line with impepu handsized bales, like the ones the Culture Rastas use for their prescriptions and at their stalls. The Impepu plant has soft, suede type of leaves that make for soft, furry warmth and the hardy stalks makes for springy mattresses. Above the dugout, Senna will make shelter from the sun, using either woven pine, coconut or acacia trees leaves, which can be pirouette, lowered and heightened, with the turning of two sticks, wedged in the ground. When the Khoi-Khoi leave, they set the dugout alight and waft in it's Holy Smoke (Impepu is burnt to envoke the Ancestors, generally).

The Khoi-Khoi were a dying formation of the 7 Sovereign Kingdoms of eSwati and at the time of the last Khoi-Khoi, they had finally got their Imali and Tabalaza noticed by the Nkosi baNkosi of the Kingdom of eSwatini of the time.

Senna had been roused by the An'Imali and went to the aid of some Tonga, who were on their way to go and see the Venda King Obalang, to consult with the King of the Kingdom of MaGubwe and the to return to the amaQwaQwa King Obelelo, the recently ascended King of eSwatini.

The Tonga acted as the property office of eSwati and took any lost or stolen (by invading colonizers) Nguni back to their owners. The Tonga were fighters but mostly Deep Nguni Magic Men, whose Stonga came directly from the Ancestors and who were known to just know things. Not things that debatable but things like: "This herd of Nguni belongs to the amaQwaQwa King Obalang, (whose wife was MaBalang) except for this white, speckled Nguni (the Chiefteness of the Nguni)", who belonged to a Venda woman's granddaughter, as the NuuGuu was not permitted to own Nguni as one who dabbled in Deep Nguni Magic things and works. Or, not 'not permitted', it's just NuuGuus are focused on receiving Stonga or listening to the Ancestral voices and also, it could have been that the Benda Auntie was already wearing Kudungi beads, as she was sick and had bestowed the necklace of Turquoise stones (or turquoise-colored beads) around the girl's neck and maybe wanted to train her for her responsibilities, that would come up when the Auntie went Venda to herd her father's Nguni (a polite way of saying, when she died) ; the Auntie always joking that she would have plenty of her father's Nguni shortly and so, no matter the Nguni.

Tonga just knew things that were knowable but that they couldn't know unless they knew the Pondo or faces of the titled eSwati people, whose responsibility it was to go Indlela and inform the Tonga when one's Babba or Headman went NkuluKulu or Venda (when he died, politely said) and that one was the new Headman.

So, the Tonga, on their return from King of Magubwe Mountain, found themselves without water when Senna came running at a mad pace, stopping just before them, clicking at an even faster pace when the spears surrounded him. Regaled Kazi people thought of Inkazi people as vagabonds and a bit stupid. Inkazi people thought of Kazi people as narcissistic and unrightfully proud as what sort of a person went out into the Mario, without knowing how to track water. Xi, being named so, as he was the last Kkhoi-Khoi, clicked them with much 'skel'ling and much admonishing and bereavement. To what end would these great, big Tonga come to without even a water-tracker.

With much clicking to himself, he collected everyone's cow bladder, one by one and trotted away to return with a full cow bladder.

Upon each return, they noticed that a young girl, in the regalia of a Zulu man in outside Regalia on Imali, would run behind him and study his every move. They saw her and she saw them, grinning and waving and returning to her quarry.

Upon all bladders being filled, she lambasted the Tonga, for being so irresponsible to undertake such a journey without a water tracker. Murmuring amongst themselves that they could not ask an unregaled Inkazi person for any such service, she responded with her eyes shining, "Exactly". Responding to their confusion, she replied herself, saying "Exactly why I have been following this Khoi-Khoi around for the last two years". Explaining to the company, that he and his wife, the last Khoi-Khoi, had an Imali and Tabalaza and that they deserved a Kazi, she asked if they would be permitted to following the Tonga group, as they were headed in the same direction. The amaQwaQwa King Obelelo was indeed her father.

The Tonga made salutions as did she, gasping and falling to her haunches and holding her outstretched arms, shaking her flattened hands, the correct salutations for a child. Speaking impeccable click, she urged Xi to do the same.

Xi obliged and after a quick clicky translation of what had been said, Xi agreed and the two, motivated by each other's peculiar nature, started the journey, tracking water and looking out for predators, running before and behind and bringing news and updates to the Intoni of the Tonga. The Tonga leader explained to them that the Tonga, like the Kkhoi-Khoi are all equal and no-one is King or Intoni or of more value than his Tonga brother and therefore, they all spoke on behalf of the group as they had a kind of collective consciousness.

The Tonga have 2 sayings. The first is that no Tonga can be a Tonga without his brother, a Tonga. Therefore, a Tonga alone has become nothing without another Tonga.

Therefore, the 2nd saying says that when a Tonga seed his brother laying on the ground, the Tonga must pick up his brother and carry him home, to feed, rest, heal and recuperate him. Tongas do this with any person they find unconscious.

Tongas also expect themselves to only due when arriving at one's mother's kraal. So, when one dies of old age or of an illness, one asks someone to drive you home to your mother's village or one walks. That's why when Black People are walking along the road who look ill, it is good to give them a lift but if it is someone dying who is going home, you must take them. It is your duty.

🇰🇪🇰🇪🇰🇪🇰🇪🇰🇪🇰🇪🇰🇪🇰🇪

Kitenda is a fabric made in Africa that displays old skool African traditional items of Kazi∆ living, like:

😎 kalabashes∆∆ or

😎 herded, domesticated animals

😎 traditional Nkulus or mud huts

😎 cowry shells

😎 drums and many more,

as well as contemporary African Struggle Roots and Culture heroes.

It also pays homage to traditional and political African leaders: kings, elders, presidents, freedom fighters and pop culture icons.

Ki is also a preposition or prefix from Eastern Coastal Africa; or more specifically, Zambia; that can mean 'the' or 'a' or 'my' or 'our'.

Most of the languages of eSwati have their own prefix, specific to that tribe: a special little few letters that is written in small letters, before a proper noun or at the beginning of the sentence. This prefix will often be at the beginning of that tribe's name and is like a conversation filler; not dissimilar to 'Um' or 'Well..'.

Whenever I'm trying to think of a Xhosa word, then my mind goes to 'U, U, U..'.

Therefore, kiTenda can also mean 'the tender' or payment. This is because in the days of the 7 Sovereign Kingdoms of eSwati -

Africa's name and Sovereignty 300 years ago - when a labola∆∆∆ negotiation agreement was about to be officiated with the opening of a kalabash of umqobothi, the groom's family would pay for the sharing of this umqobothi - in animal skins. It is only in recent times that money took over the role that animal skins played in labola negotiations.

Before colonization though, since about 500-1000 years ago, eSwati had sourced a weaving machine thingy, a few sheep and dye; sourced from a substance acquired by the KwaNannas (Strandlopers), who were seaside dwellers and who dived products and food off the coastlines of eSwati. The substance that was extracted dyed the yarn a red to purple to blue hue which was then further refined by twisting the yarn again but with wax or animal fat or donkey hoof glue.

But because of the wide variety of tones between those three colours and white, the KiTenda or Kente of a tribe was born. This, along with plain fabric for multiple use, as well as multiple layered, thick yarn weavings made for blankets, mudcloth keeping count of one's hunts, the KiTenda was used to supplement animal skins, which became harder and harder to source.

An eexample of the plain cloth or undyed kiTenda

The Umqobothi; a sorghum beer, brewed by ladies, whose Tabalaza or handmade product was Umqobothi; would have been brewed at a certain time in the bride's life, especially for this day.

The animal skins; some the skins of which were collected on behalf of the couple-to-be; would be contributed to the couple for their new life together, as one needed animal skins or Imbezi, for traditional regalia, one of which was Umqhelele, a lion hair headband.

∆Kazi - a village or Territory granted a people by the Kingdom King, Nkosi baNkosi.

∆∆Kalabash - a dried out, butternut-like recepticle for sorghum beer, coconut or goat's milk (for premature babies or babies whose mother had gone NkuluKulu (a polite way of saying passed away) at birth.

I like to make notes of any 7 Sovereign Kingdoms of eSwati stuff (enchilo) that I remember, as some these things are important and I am happy to be a part of putting the pieces of eSwati history together, in conjunction with other 7 Sovereign Kingdoms Kazi people; ancestrally or tribally.

The Ndiri is an elongated drum that I think, is used in Deep Nguni magic Rites of Passage and ceremonies.

I am busy writing a piece about givibg birth in Kazi, the Mcholo (crocodile) problems we had and the prescriptions from the Ancestors (Siko).

But before I post that I just wanted to mention this Ndiri, a singing drum, was the Tabalaza offering (or handmade product of the Ndindwas (a surname or nkandla name) and that this proves that the Ndindwa were under Tabalaza and probably not only Inkhatha, or herders, but also titled, Nguni-owning eSwati people.

I have two Ndindwa friends - Xoliswa and Athuele - and I think they will be so happy to hear of their history and that they were known as the Ndiri Ndindwas.

CASH MONEY

Today, in the C21st century, we know Imali to mean CASH MONEY...

OR MEAT?

I also remember Imali to mean meat...

IMALI: YOUR DUTY

But in the days of the 7 Sovereign Kingdoms of eSwati - Africa's name 300 years ago, before colonization - Imali very simply meant your duty. And the duty of men who had been initiated was to jog, in a formation or in a spenza line (very tightly together, one behind the other to avoid being knocked over by a charging 🦁) with the intention of spenza-ring the perimeter of the Kazi or Territory or one's home village.

Imali could also happen Inkazi (the spaces between the Kazis or villages) in the second sphere of eSwati, known as Imali 2. Imali 2 Inkazi was frequented by so-called Bantus and regaled eSwati people, alike.

IMALI 1

IMALI 1 - THE COASTLINES OF eSWATI, WHERE NGUNI HERDERS USUALLY TRAVELLED VIA, TO GET TO VENDA OR GOOD GRAZING. THEY ALSO HAD NGUNI PARADE AS WELL AS TABALAZA DELIVERY VIA THE BEACHES OF eSWATI

IMALI 2

IMALI 2 - THE KAZIS OR TERRITORIES AND THE INKAZI SPACES INBETWEEN. THIS WAS THE SPACE FOR IMALYING FORMATIONS THAT WERE REGALED LIKE INKHATHA, THE MDUMBI AND THE MASINGA.

THE NKUKUKULU MUD WALL

BETWEEN IMALI 2 AND IMALI 3 WAS A TALL MUD, GRASS AND STONE WALL THAT HAD KEPT MOST PREDATORS INSIDE IMALI 3. GRASS EATERS WERE ALLOWED IN IMALI 2.

IMALI 3

IMALI 3, KNOWN AS NKULUKULU OR THE SERENGETI WAS THE DJANGO AND FULL OF ANIMALS OF ALL KINDS. ONLY THE BOBO LIVED IMALI 3 AND BUILT ELONGATED SQUARE PYRAMID-SHAPED HUTS MADE OF STICKS, MUD AND TWINE. MOST OF THE HOUSES THOUGH, HAD SEVERAL FLOORS, AS BOBO WAS A SANELE OR AN ANIMAL DOCTOR AND HE PUT HIS PATIENTS ON WHATEVER FLOOR SUITED THEIR NEED FOR A VISTA OR DARKNESS OR PRIVACY.

BANTUS: ALSO eSWATI PEOPLE

The word Bantu actually applies to eSwati people who have not yet been given a Territory by Nkosi baNkosi or the Kingdom King. One's formation or nomadic group of people had to come up with an Imali and a Tabalaza that was approved by the Kingdom King. Thereafter, the Nkosi baNkosi would give your formation a Territory, with grazing pasture nearby and water rights.

You then had the right to regale yourselves with animal skins and to have an inside and outside regalia by which you would be identified and recognized and given due respect and salutations.

So your Imali is your Duty and Tabalaza is the reward for your Duties perfomed.

Maybe when they Imali'd, they would hunt meat and so the word became synonomous with meat.

THE USE OF COWRY SHELLS IN HUNTING

To have the Nkosi gaNkosi's permission to hunt a grazing animal on Imali though, one would be given a certain amount of cowry shells, at a certain time and each time one brought a hunted animal home to Kazi, one would have to produce a cowry shell, which was worked onto a cloth that represented your family or inkandla's hunts. This was like a family banner that was displayed in the Lapa or Qwa Mashu meeting place, in one's Nkandla's sitting section.

IMALI MUDCLOTH

Here is an example of the mudcloth in old Skool designs upon which the cowry shell would be worked. Mudcloth is a variety of Kitenda and has much cultural significance in Kazi. The bigger cowry shells were used sparingly and were for bigger game that one would use when an NkuluKulu animal had broken the perimeter wall.

MODERN MUDCLOTH

Kitenda like the Kente on the left could also have been used. Right: the modern cowry shell mudcloth.

NUUGUU

The NuuGuu, in the role of Kotla maker and animal skin sanitizer, dryer and keeper (in the Kotla) would prepare and dry your skins to keep as Kitenda when a girl in one's Nkandla's labola negotiation had been completed and a deal struck. An amount of animal skins corresponding to the labola payment had to be brought for the Umqobothi to be opened. This finalized the labola negotiation and the skins were used for the new couples life together, as blankets, as clothing, as baby blankets (goat skin) and for decorative and traditional purposes. Also, to regale the Lapa doorways and so on.

But while we are on the subject, Indoda, do you remember me?

Tholo giBamba panzi xlash or pondo Shona nani? Tholo MiesKwanta khoka? Inge-se Ingezi giSpenta haai Lyn.. pondo Inkazi now. Siko Nkosi bababababa (YinKhos', YinKhosi)

An old herder, this Django, that was accused and hopefully, today, exororated for a lighta beyond his control for his own mother's Nguni. 🫵👌🌄🦅🪽

Ibola Ek'hetyoo... YiSe YiSe YiSe...

Pondo Gkinge

KwanzaSinzePinze

A Mamma Zulu is either your biological mother or a female role model but in the role of Mamma Zulu, she is your Teacher. And your Makhoti, when you are still a child and at home, being the property of your mother. This is not meant In a child labour kind of a way but in the sense that African's respect the next person's property and do not bring any harm or allow any harm to come to someone's property: be it children, Nguni, wives or personal effects.

In the time of the 7 Sovereign Kingdoms of eSwati - as Africa was named, 300 years ago, before colonization took hold - Zulu women kept their children indoors and only allowed their children outside, under the supervision of their mother or eldest sister or retired Inkhathi grandfather, when illness or birthing kids stopped the mother from taking charge of the water fetching every morning, at sunrise-ish, from the river.

First thing in the morning (or in the afternoon, in the days of Inkhatha warriors who did a dusk-to-dawn imali (running or/and training) of the grounds - that was really a lion patrol - as the lions had become overpopulated and were jumping kazi walls and pawing away at the mud-and-grass kraal (or homestead) until a hole, big enough to jump through, had been made.

Many people, lost their lives, IN KAZI, IN THEIR KRAAL, due to lion attacks and so, the problem had gotten out of hand. Imali or patrol at night (when lions hunt) was the solution.

These lion attacks were also how Umkhonto weSizwe was formed. As a formation of long spear throwers and marksmen, they imali'd alongside training, spenzaring weSizwe (or Initiates, who were still warriors in training) protecting them and spearing lions that knocked over a running (in the spenza line) Sizwe and tried to drag him away, into the bush. The lions would drag live prey to their associates and together, they would eat you. Alive.

White or Siberian Tigers had been mixed with Serengeti lions, either purposefully or as the result of an imported, abandoned tiger. Because of this, they did not know the 7 Sovereign Kingdoms rules and regulations that Serengeti lions were quite used to. They left Inkazi people alone but especially, weSizwe, people in animal skin regalia and kids with their mother's (made by Mamma) Imali headbands on. Even the crocodile didn't attack Imali headband wearing children and women.

In kazi (or village) when the men left kazi with weapons - in lion-free times, for a xlash on Shona Panzi; the battle grounds - at night, to go patrol, the children were allowed to keep watch for their fathers and brothers until they returned. This was facilitated by NuuGuu (in this role, as the storyteller) at his or her kahgle or big fireplace or pit. There, NuuGuu would tell wide-eyed children and their accompanying mothers stories of the past like how the giraffe got his carved out toenails: of course NuuGuu had needed to boil a concoction of glue to press skins against wooden shields and had found that donkey hoof cuttings were not strong enough. NuuGuu's fireside friend, the Mchocho or wild dog had informed NuuGuu of the giraffe hoof's usefulness. And so on and so on.

When one was born, it was normally a NuuGuu or a midwife, who would cut the umbilical cord only after the placenta had been birthed and only after the umbilical cord stopped throbbing. This last bit of blood, oxygen and vitamins and minerals is very healthy and often people cut the umbilical cord too soon. By waiting for the placenta, the umbical cord can be cut long - to be wrapped around the waist of the infant and wrapped around itself to secure. This is called Nkulu Mthondo.

Whilst, today, Mthondo means penis, in those days it meant crocodile and was actually a celebration of our Mcholo or Majola/Majolo/Mcholo clan's crocodile training that had protected many of our people from hostile forces by using Mcholo (croc) as a bit of a security escort and fear-inducer.

Nkulu Mthondo is also the awareness of that Rite of Passage, which allows one to avoid horrible deaths, like ones in which one is eaten by a crocodile. It is a Ritual of Muti, really. The second baby Rite of Passage is Indlozi, which is the removing of the foreskin on the second day, after birth. This causes, at the moment of death of the person for Mchwechwes (a birth pack of Mchochos), the Makhosi: baboetie or baboza (the baboon) or a variety of animals have been reported to take a Zonke or even an Inkhathi, or King, to indlela, where they have escaped death or have reincarnated without experiencing death. A kind of like what Buddhists believ: the soul hovering above the body, taking on the Path of Enlightenment or should I say, finishing it, as only Gurus can leave the body, in such a way and return and return in the same incarnation, just in a different time, AND going indlela to inform the property office of eSwati that you are back. The Ancestors (Siko) will enable the return of your Nguni, animal skins, scrives (ivory calligraphy pens), pip-moving boards - like chess but only for Kings, territories granted and most important, one's nkandla.

So, if you love your baby, Nkulu Mthondo him or her.

When this dried umbilical cord falls off, those biological remains are shaped in a circle by wrapping with dryish goat or cow intestines, twine or today, thread would do. That, the mother will wrap with either material, put it inside a kind of piping like a hosepipe, just smaller, and then cover and decorate with the nkandla design or colours.

Each Imali headband is different and in the case of a mother who has gone-to-herd-her-father's-Nguni - a polite way of saying someone passed away, the eldest sister, grandmother or NuuGuu can make the Imali headband.

Although that means they are responsible for the child's teaching and instructing and defending the child to any dangers, angry adults or strangers, even other children, re: the child's actions and especially, to the Council of Elders or Inyambezi, if the complaint is taken that far.

This is why it is important, even if a child goes beyond the nkandla's kraal, without his or her mother, that he or she wears their Imali headband. This is because, even the animals of Nkulukulu know to leave a child alone that wears an Imali headband, ie. crocodiles at the river, lone stray wild animals etc. Also, passing elders or other mothers will not criticize you directly. They will note your Imali headband and go to your mother's kraal and take the two shells and knock them against one another - the equivalent of a door knocker or doorbell.

Upon hearing that sound, some mothers start counting their children, nervously.

The fact is, before becoming a man and before marrying, only your mother, who made you an Imali headband, can defend you to warriors, strangers, Kings, Elder Councils etc. If a comaint is made against you, before you leave home or go for Initiation, she still has time and grace to instruct you.

However, after marrying or becoming a man, whilst the mother will always have the right to defend them, in a Council or during an informal argument, if people speak badly of you, as the Mamma Zulu of that, your child, you are held morally responsible for not instructing your child better and it goes without saying, even the Ancestors can punish you with no more children, as a result. The Mamma Zulu's reputation can be ruined by a misbehaving adult child.

The tobelas or umqobothi brewers will laugh and gossip about you and NkosigaNkosi's wife will ignore you or fault-find you, upon every meeting.

So, the Imali headband, is transformed into a Umqhele (a headband of lion skin worn by an Inkhathi or warrior) made with the original Nkulu Mthondo, that became the Mamma Zulu Imali headband.

If one becomes a king, the injeli is also made with the Mamma Zulu Imali headband, except this one is covered with Lumsindo (or leopard) hair.

I think this Unkoo and Babba (Nkosin' yam) is the Unkoo of Comrade JZ and has on the one side of the family, Ancestry that were Sovereigns of Pondo (land).

An African referendum or a yes/no vote, in which, when someone would like a communial decision to be voted upon, someone like the Nkosi gaNkosi of Kazi, QwaMashu would be invoked.

SUGARCANE

How one would know a meeting of this nature has been called, is when a sugarcane stick is left outside one's door.

Sometimes it would be in a standing position, against something; sometimes laying down, on a rock or an outside stool - people used to enjoy deciphering portents from that one scope of possibilities.

The sugarcane stick is an invitation to a QwaMashu meeting and as the Babba (or Headman of an Nkandla or of a Lapa, the Headman would usually attend this meeting. Sometimes, the Headman would take one of his sons along, as his spokesperson, if it was a Kazi vote. But if it was a Lapa vote, then the Man of the house of every

A NUBIAN STYLE OF BUILDING

The usual meeting place in a 'hut'with no walls (a lapa, usually, which is a thatched roof with no walls, that has descending levels from the outside in, the centre an oration oval. The wall section ie. from the ground to the bottom lip of the roof is usually only about a metre, with several 2m 'doorways', entering the lapa from different directions or from the entrances of different khayas in that lapa. These lapa doorways were covered with the skins of the animal the entire lapa (a section of the circular village) was named after. The doorways are a descending stair that begins, a metre or 2, before the doorway. Sometimes they are circular and descend against the building, with that lapa animal's skin covering the entrance.

This small space between the roof and the ground means that smoke can blow out of the lapa, cool air can come in and sound outside is minimised. Dusk is usually a good time to go and one can expect to be in attendance for 30min, sometimes or even until past midnight. Usually, cancel your plans. Which were probably hanging out at the kagle and listening to stories, watching performances like old skool storytelling with the drums and animal skin props and shadows against the mud wall telling the story.

The subject would determine how long the meeting would take.

DUSK

An introduction on the referendum subject matter and what is known about what is being decided upon, would commence the meeting. Usually, one would take into consideration, members in attendance and if the matter discussed will cause pain or offence.. it is better to remain factual and objective, as all Inyambezi or knop-kierrie elders (which is actually a sugarcane stick at a Qwa Mashu meeting, which meeting members would pass around).

A demonstration of the gestures and what they mean is enacted by the speaker, rotating the right hand in a circular movement to the left and the left in a circular motion to the right, whilst saying QwaMashu.

Thereafter, the speaker, just to remind everyone of the vote gestures, would touch his left shoulder and then his right, with his right hand, saying "My vote is yes but I would like to address the Council gathered". Then he would touch his right shoulder and then the left shoulder with his left hand, saying "My vote is no but I would like to address the Council gathered". Next, he would touch his right shoulder, with his right hand, saying "My vote is yes and I have nothing I would like to add to the discussion". Then, he would touch his left shoulder with his left hand, saying "My vote is no and I have nothing I want to add".

Then he would hold his flat hands toward one another, making an elongated pyramid shape, saying "I reserve my right to abstain from voting today". Then he would cup his hands behind both ears and say, "I would like to hear what the Council has to say on this subject before choosing to vote and in which direction". He would end this display with another circular movement, by both hands inward, saying QwaMashu, at the same time , signifying he was ending his introduction to the voting subject and gesture demonstration and was ready to pass his sugarcane stick on to the next person, which was the sugarcane stick of the first to arrive at the meeting. By passing the stick along, the next person could now speak.

Three sequential votes each are normally allowed, in order for arguments and counter arguments to be considered before the final referendum vote, each person enacting a gesture and the corresponding affirmation of their vote.

Therefore, manners and Nyabingi tradition is facilitated by a meeting in a circular lapa or a circular positioning of people or of voters.

Also, each khaya was given a space from one entrance or doorway to the next that was built in ascending large steps from the centre outwards. This was normally decorated and made homely and reflected personalities of the lapa animal's, their skins and animal products, like quills or claws or feathers and so on. Sometimes skins were laid out for comfortable seating and poofs or cushions made of grass mats, stuffed with impepu would be found on the seating steps.

Only the final vote is counted, to decide a yes/no QwaMashu Council decision, on a specific course of action. If the vote was equal votes yes and no, the previous votes would dictate the decision. A abacus style counter, mounted somewhere, would be used to count votes and record them. L

Another factor is when an older person who has sons past Sizwe age, taking a spokesperson and a second pair of ears and another mind to consult, is very enjoyable for the elder and basically, is evidence of a full funda and therefore that Inkhathi incheewzwa madala will be well thought of and respected. As one is not full Inkhathi of rank and full incheewzwa, until one has a son that enters into Sizwe pre-Initiation spenza and training; but it is at the meetings that one's respect for the Elder grows when one hears the intelligent arguments and respectful behavior and the wise utterances of that Elder's son or sons.

Sank yoo for yoh time.

Sank yoo for say sank yoo.

Sank you Mr Pompies.

QwaMashu *QwaMashu gesture accompaniment.

There was another formation, who are the 17 Tonga, who represent the dead, an Initiate would find in the mountains. They are identifiable by the white dust covering their bodies. This dualst is caused from mining lime, using to disinfect the body after mining or fine sculpting clay.

When one "goes home" or indlela, one would happen upon a group of Tonga - usually 7 - who would surround you, at which point, one would do a dance, with gun or spear held aloft or stabbing into the air, pumping ones knees up or stomping ones feet and circling to face each in the circle or rotang. They would then flick a kwagga tail at three different heights of your body (Tonga Stonga), rendering your body impenetrable.

A music video, showing the Tonga Stonga and the journey to indlela, every incheezwa has to make. The dance that they do, is imperative as this dance and the shaking of kwagga tails at the dancer, renders you impenetrable by blade or bullet in fights or clashes. Some people call this dance the Komatipoort:

An African "goes home" when the Babba of your Nkandla passes away. If you are the eldest son, you would go indlela to register yourself as your household's new head. If your father owned Nguni, it is imperative to "go home" as the indlela Tonga/Tongaan/Tongaati functions as the property office of either the Sovereign Kingdom of eSwatini or Zimbave or of Africa, I'm not sure.

An amaPiano song that refers to "going home":

GOING HOME, HEKHAYA

The Tonga know each Sovereign Nkosi baKosi (King of a Kingdom), every Nkosi gaKosi (Chief of a territory, granted by Nkosi baNkosi) and Nkosi amaNkosi (the King of Africa or the 7 Sovereign Kingdoms of eSwati, as Africa was known 300 years ago). The Tonga also used to spenza throughout the Kingdom, as the Sizwe guard and so, as a result,  see any Nguni, out of place or grazing territory. When they do, they take those Nguni and return them to indlela, until the owner can be notified.

A music video by Johnny Clegg called Scatterlings of Africa, shows the outside regalia of 2 Umkhonto weSizwes tasked with returning Nguni to their rightful owner:

Johnny Clegg and his Comrade, spenza broe' and esteemed mfetu, who left precious old traditional dances like Jabula, Juluka and Indlela giSpenza Jive nyama bathu kwenza Pondo. Pata Muzi Empaghatin', wesenjan pela.

It is said that the blood of animals or the guilty settlers would be painted on one side of the body, to forcheeza everyone that the 2 Umkhonto weSizwe worked for their Tabalaza today and that the trouble would bother the owner no more. The knop-kierrie is also a sign that they are Umkhonto weSizwes, tasked to walk Nguni home. It also shows the cave in Masinga Valley that Umkhonto weSizwes kotla in, to receive Inkleezi, to demonstrate required movements and to Siko with Umoya. The procedure changed a lot, according to the Inkhoti/Makhoti and his/her dwelling or location, usually the cave, entrances to mines, gulleys and hidden Earth Ghettoes.

Occassionally, they would take them to the owner. Back in the day only Nkosi owned Nguni and only royal daughters were paid labola for. Over time, it developed into a Ibola Lethu circumstance, in which a titled African could take a bride to be's father to watch the Nguni parade on the beach and allow him to choose 3 Nguni of the total labola price. This is how one titled African would entitle another...

The original of this song was sung, when, in the mines, miners would be rescued or find vein of gold or when they emerged from a mine after being rescued, as they saw the daylight.