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Politics and Representation – Orientalism, Gaze and Visual Pleasure in Aladdin (1992)
Introduction
Representation has been an issue in entertainment since the 1800s, such as the highly popular Vaudeville Minstrel shows. These shows depicted people of colour to be comedic, degrading people of colour through blackface and mockery. Flory notes: ‘ideas of race have shaped film since the medium’s invention’ (2008, p.227). As animation and film were establishing themselves as mediums for entertainment, these negative depictions were carried over to the mediums to provide comedy for a white audience. While Wells suggests that that these representations were perceived as ‘playful’ rather than ‘malicious’ (1997, p.2016), the consequences of such depictions reinforced and affirmed harmful ideology. The impact is long-lasting, as we still witness misrepresentation today.
This blog post examines orientalism and gaze in the perspective of visual pleasure in Disney’s Aladdin (Ron Clements and John Musker ,1992) to demonstrate the issue of representation and politics. The following key texts will be referenced throughout to inform the discussion: Mulvey, L. (1975) Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema; and Said, E.W. (2014) Orientalism.
Orientalism and Visual Pleasure
Orientalism is defined by Said as ‘an ontological [seeing] and epistemological [knowing] distinction between “the Orient” [East] and[…]the “Occident” [West]’ (2014, p.33). This idea is an example of the ‘oppositional gaze’, where viewers critically analyse representations of humans particularly regarding race (Flory, 2008, p.229). Aladdin (2019) depicts the East from a Western perspective, having American directors and cast.
The dichotomy between East and West, and the prevalence of the oppositional gaze, is prevalent through the ignorant portrayal of Middle Eastern society. The opening song Arabian Nights calls the fictional land of Agrabah ‘barbaric’ (Menken and Rice, 1992). Furthermore, while we are assuming from the song Arabian Nights that Aladdin (1992) is meant to depict Arab people, it is actually unclear as we see hints of South Asian culture throughout the film too. For example, we can see that Princess Jasmine’s (Linda Larkin) palace (Figure 1) is visually inspired by India’s Taj Mahal (Figure 2). Another example is Princess Jasmine’s tiger whose name is Rajah, meaning ‘king’ or ‘prince’ in Sanskrit. Jasmine’s attire is also more similar to North Indian clothing than to Middle Eastern clothing. Traditional Arabic clothing for women is modest, showing little skin; while Indian clothes are often two pieces like Jasmine’s clothes (Figure 3).
Figure 1 - Princess Jasmine's Palace
Figure 2 – The Taj Mahal
Figure 3 - Arabic dress (left); Indian dress (middle); Princess Jasmine (right)
This amalgamation of cultures from the East is orientalism, where the different cultures merge into one for Westerners and they exoticize the East of the world and are ‘reinvented[…]as a mode of otherness’ (Said cited in Well, 1997, p.220). Salam argues that the combination of cultures indicates how ‘South Asians and Arabs are interchangeable’ (cited in Smith and Wongso, 2020). This highlights Western media’s ignorance to other cultures and people of colour, grouping them together as ‘the East’ or ‘the Orient’.
Aladdin (1992) draws on offensive stereotypes for its Arab characters. The guards are depicted as unintelligent and violent as they chase Aladdin (Scott Weinger) through the streets of the town and fall into traps as they attempt to capture him during the musical number One Jump Ahead (Menken and Rice, 1992). This slap-stick comedic portrayal of the guards as buffoons is similar to the burglars in Home Alone (Chris Columbus, 1990). Arabs in this way are shown to be ‘gullible’ and unkind (Said, 2014, p.65-68). The excited expressions on their faces as they hold their swords up portray sadism, depicting them as barbaric. They also have exaggerated physical features such as their large frames, missing teeth, dark eye bags, and hooked noses. Sammond has suggested, the animation medium ‘[draws] on stereotypes’ for ‘expediency and efficiency’ (2015, p.244).
It can be argued that, because these guards are the ‘bad guys’, they are portrayed in a menacing way. However, we see these same stereotypes during the marketplace scene, where a shopkeeper attempts to cut Princess Jasmine’s hand off for stealing. This shopkeeper has a similar physical depiction to the guards, and has a barbaric violence highlighted as he physically drags Princess Jasmine by the wrist while wielding a sword (Figure 5). These depicted behaviours create a ‘unifying set of values’ of the [Oriental] ‘mentality’, ‘genealogy’ and ‘atmosphere’ (Said, 2014, p.68-70). Having these characteristics shown in multiple characters reinforces ‘[Orientals] possessing regular characteristics’ (ibid).
Figure 4 - guards in Aladdin (1992)
Figure 5 – shopkeeper physically restraining Princess Jasmine.
While these characters depict harmful stereotypes for Arabs, the main protagonist (Aladdin) does not possess these same characteristics. His physical character design was based on Tom Cruise, an American Hollywood actor famous in the ‘90s (Figure 6). Therefore, Aladdin has Eurocentric facial features. This design choice has been made to cater to the Western audience who can identify themselves through the character of Aladdin, even when he is supposed to be from a different culture. This is an example of ‘ego libido’, a form of scopophilia (visual pleasure), where there is an ‘identification’ with what is on screen for the spectator, making it a pleasurable viewing experience (Mulvey, 1975, p.808). Aladdin becomes a ‘screen surrogate’, which gives ‘a sense of omnipotence’ for the viewer (ibid., p.810).
Figure 6 - Aladdin character (left) and Tom Cruise (right)
From our analysis, we can conclude that Aladdin (1992) depicts a Westernised ideology of cultures from the East, representing Middle Eastern and South Asians into one group of people. We can also see how the projection of the Western male look onto Aladdin allows for narcissistic identification from the spectator (Mulvey, 1975, p.807, 809). This is also highlighted through Genie’s (Robin Williams) Westernisation of Aladdin’s name, suggesting ‘Al’ instead. This is a way for viewers to empathise with the character more as he is given Western characteristics, feeding the ‘ego libido’ of the viewer (ibid. p.808). Hurley argues that this ‘[superimposes] a Euro-American cultural practice that renders the character ridiculous as an Arab’ (2005, p.227). Hurley also argues that children of colour would ‘no doubt, “live happily ever after”’ if they saw themselves reflected in fairytales (ibid., p.230). However, the Western implications behind ‘Al’ teach an audience that they must leave their cultures behind and integrate into the Western world, which is harmful representation.
Female Representation and Visual Pleasure
We have discussed how Princess Jasmine’s clothing is closer to South Asian clothing than Middle Eastern clothing, and how this is a consequence of orientalism. Further to this, her clothing is also provocative to the Middle Eastern standards, with her blouse being off-shoulder and her waist exposed (Figure 3). This is not only a Westernised idea of a Middle Eastern woman, but it is also a depiction through the male gaze.
Her waist is cinched to emphasise an hour-glass silhouette, the very object which her character’s design was based on (Figure 7). This is an example of the other form of scopophilia: sexual instinct (Mulvey, 1975, p.808). Her character serves as both an ‘erotic object’ for the characters in the story and for the spectator watching the screen, as she ‘freeze[s] the flow of action in moments of erotic contemplation’ (ibid. p.809). We see this happen in the market scene, where Aladdin sees Princess Jasmine for the first time. His whole world stops as his vision focuses on her. His monkey companion, Abu, desperately waves for his attention (Figure 8). The scene invites the viewer to look in awe at Jasmine just as Aladdin does, by focusing in on Jasmine after Aladdin catches his first glimpse of her. Consequently, she is ‘displayed for the gaze and enjoyment of men’ in a patriarchal society (ibid., p.811).
Figure 7 - character shapes for Aladdin characters
Figure 8 - Aladdin's entrancement to seeing Jasmine for the first time
Another instance of this representation of the woman as a spectacle is when the villain, Jafar (Jonathan Freemam), enslaves Jasmine. Her way out of the situation is to seduce Jafar, using her sexuality as her power (Figure 9). The display feels voyeuristic and perverted as the camera forces the viewer to indulge in the seduction, whether they are the target audience or not. The male gaze in cinema is harmful to children as it affects ‘the ways in which they see themselves’ (Hurley, 2005, p.221) and it affects the way they view the opposite sex. Girls are taught that their power comes from validation of the opposite sex, while boys are taught that women are sights to behold for their pleasure. These visual images ‘[translate] into beliefs children hold about status’ of particular groups of people (ibid.). This is especially concerning as Princess Jasmine is supposed to be 15-16 years old, so she is a young girl herself not far in age from the child target audience.
Figure 9 - Princess Jasmine's red outfit
Princess Jasmine is not the only subject of sexual visual pleasure. Other women in the film are also represented as spectacles for the male gaze. An example of this are the belly dancers who dance around Aladdin (Figure 10). Their clothes are far more revealing, parading around in what is essentially underwear. Their bodies are even more exaggerated than Princess Jasmine’s, with their hips being so large in comparison to their waist that it is as if they are missing ribs. This representation of women is unhealthy to viewers as they form beliefs that women’s bodies should look this way and that they are to be looked at as a spectator. The way they dance around Aladdin half-naked has allusions to a gentleman’s club. Subsequently, it reinforces ‘sexual imbalance’ of ‘active/male’ and ‘passive/female’ (Mulvey, 1975, p.808).
Further to this, the ‘Orient’ cultures are fetishised for a Western audience as belly dancing is specific to the Middle East and North Africa, having originated in Egypt. The practice has been taken here and broken into a sexual display for the viewer’s visual pleasure, as well as the protagonist’s. Here is an example of orientalism, where belly dancers are seen as exotic for its ‘otherness’, and therefore erotic. Hurley notes this too, suggesting that Jasmine physically could ‘be an ‘exotic’ version of a Barbie doll’ (2005, p.226).
Figure 10 - belly dancers in Aladdin (1992)
Conclusion
Aladdin (1992) is a prime example of Orientalism and the male gaze. It promotes ideology of Eastern countries as being ‘the other’ and ‘the Orient’, where people are barbaric, violent, dim-witted and exotic. Furthermore, the male gaze is apparent in the imagery; Aladdin is modelled after the American Tom Cruise for narcissistic scopophilia, and the women are sexual caricatures for visual pleasure. These representations are harmful for viewers as they influence opinions on ethnicities, cultures and gender. The casual viewer does not think to consider the idea of an unreliable narrator (being the directors, writers, producers, artists, etc.), therefore they take it at face-value which reinforces stereotypes.
From this analysis, I understand how representations of groups of people are critical to forward-thinking. In my own work, I want to be mindful of stereotypes and try my best to prevent harmful representations.
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"Woman's desire is subjected to her images as a bearer of the bleeding wound, she can exist only in relation to castration and cannot transcend it." - Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema x Laura Mulvey
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