#van operation

In 1915, ottoman turkey committed the Genocide of Armenians: more than 1.5 million Armenians were massacred.

Women were assaulted, raped, sexually mutilated and tortured. Many were killed by bayoneting or died from prolonged sexual abuse. The “lucky ones” managed to kill themselves, while others were sold as slaves, forced to work as prostitutes or into marriage by their perpetrators. An eyewitness testified, "It was a very common thing for them to rape our girls in our presence. Very often they violated eight or ten year old girls, and as a consequence many would be unable to walk, and were shot."

The men were usually separated from the rest of “the deportees” during the first few days and executed, but, of course, not before being tortured and mutilated. Some were crucified, beheaded, others were often drowned by being tied together back-to-back before being thrown in the water. So many bodies floated down the Tigris and Euphrates that they sometimes blocked the rivers and needed to be cleared with explosives. Other rotting corpses became stuck to the riverbanks, and still others traveled as far as the Persian Gulf.

In 1918, the young turk regime took the war into the Caucasus, where approximately 1,800,000 Armenians lived under Russian dominion. ottoman forces advancing through East Armenia here too engaged in systematic massacres. The expulsions and massacres carried by the nationalist turks between 1920 and 1922 added tens of thousands of more victims. By 1923 the entire landmass of Asia Minor and historic West Armenia had been expunged of its Armenian population. The destruction of the Armenian communities in this part of the world was total.

And yet, despite all of this — this unimaginable horrors that plagued the Armenian nation in the early 20th century — what do you think the world did in response? After this descent into hell, after the suffering, the bloodshed, the total annihilation — what followed? Silence. Deafening, shameful silence, as always.

Silence—until it was shattered 58 years later, when, at the age of 78, having exhausted every peaceful avenue to draw the world’s attention to the Armenian Question and faced with nothing but ignorance, Gourgen Yanikyan fired 13 bullets at the Turkish consul and vice-consul. This singular act of defiance wiped 58 years of dust from the forgotten pages of Armenian history, forcing the world to confront the cause once again. By sacrificing his freedom, Yanikyan ignited a movement. His act became the catalyst for a wave of Armenian activism, inspiring the creation of ASALA, who would go on to fight for the recognition of the genocide.

In 1975, a group of Lebanese-Armenians led by Iraqi-Armenian Hakob Hakobyan, all of whose parents and/or grandparents were survivors of the genocide, inspired by Yanikyan’s self-sacrifice, decided to found an underground organization, which through armed actions will again bring the Armenian Question into the international political and legal dimension, present the recognition of the Armenian Genocide carried out by the turks in 1914-1923 to the international community, and create prerequisites for the liberation of Western Armenia. The organization was called ASALA - Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia.

The military operations of the ASALA were mainly aimed at turkish embassies, consulates, diplomats, government officials, military and police institutions, the turkish business environment, especially the offices of "turkish airlines corporation", as well as the state and public structures of other countries, which showed financial or military support to the turkish state.

Now, why am I telling you about this today? Well, today - on September 24th marks the 43rd anniversary of the Van Operation (24/09/1981), carried out by 4 Armenian ASALA soldiers - Vazgen Sislyan, Hakob Julfayan, Gevorg Gyuzelyan and Aram Basmajyan. On this day in 1981, four Armenian youths, aged 20-24, armed with pistols, automatic rifles and explosives, seized the turkish consulate in Paris, holding it under their control for 15 hours.

4 Soldiers of The Van Operation taking off their masks

The trial of “VAN” turned into a trial of the turkish government. The “VAN” operation and the political trial that followed it played a major role in bringing the Armenian issue to the international political arena, globalizing the territorial claim and the violated rights of the Armenian people, creating a new wave of condemnation of the reality of the Armenian genocide, strengthening the pride and spirit of struggle among Armenians.

When all the hope has slipped away, It’s the mad who find a way.

Though violence is condemned, it is the cruel truth that it is the only language to which the world listens.

Please, make sure to read the first part.

Though violence is condemned, it is the cruel truth that it is the only language to which the world listens.

Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (ASALA) is an Armenian underground organization, the aim of which is bringing the Armenian Question into the international political and legal dimension, and liberation of Western Armenia.

Now, why am I telling you about this today? Well, today - on September 24th marks the 43rd anniversary of the Van Operation (24/09/1981), carried out by 4 Armenian ASALA soldiers - Vazgen Sislyan, Hakob Julfayan, Gevorg Gyuzelyan and Aram Basmajyan. 

On this day in 1981, four Armenian youths, aged 20-24, armed with pistols, automatic rifles, and explosives, seized the turkish consulate in Paris, holding it under their control for 15 hours.

4 Soldiers of The Van Operation taking off their masks

I will do my best to walk you through the operation hour by hour:

At 10 a.m., in two groups (Gevorg Kyuzeleyan-Aram Pasmajyan, Vazgen Sislyan-Hakob Julfayan), the young men headed to the “Balzac” café, where they were set to meet and enter the consulate.

At 10:55, the two groups met and reorganized (Vazgen-Aram and Gevorg-Hakob);

by 11:15, they had entered the consulate. Each took their designated position. Vazgen covered the door while Aram, showing a bomb, shouted that the consulate had been taken over by ASALA's "Yeghia Keshishyan Suicide Commando." Gevorg repeated the same message in French. A turkish policeman attacked Gevorg, leading to an exchange of gunfire in which the policeman was killed (he was the only fatality). The other turkish guards were disarmed. Gevorg called several newspapers and news agencies, informing them that the operation was carried out by ASALA for political reasons, and that the consulate was under their control with 59 hostages. Initially, the news agencies did not believe the claim, as it seemed impossible that four people could seize the consulate located on the second floor of a five-story building, especially given that the entire building was under French police control and the consulate itself was guarded by turkish security. The French news agency “AFB” responded, saying that theoretically, any institution in Paris could be seized, but the turkish and israeli consulates were impossible to take over, even in theory.

About an hour after the operation began, journalists gathered on Hosman Street. Meanwhile, a French policeman entered the building from the back and shot Vazgen, wounding him. Vazgen resisted and forced the officer to retreat. Hakob was also wounded, and his injuries were severe. Most of the hostages were guarded by Aram, while Vazgen told the others about the Armenian people's struggle and the 1915 massacres.

At noon, Commissioner Brousard, one of the most skilled experts in the French police, requested negotiations over the phone. Papers outlining the group's demands were thrown out of the window. The demands were purely political: the release of Armenian, Kurdish and Turkish political prisoners held in turkish prisons.

At 12:15, one of the hostages approached the window, threw a letter down, and informed the police that the message was for them. The street had already been cordoned off with iron barricades. Reporters had gathered on the sidewalk in front of the consulate.

At 1:00 p.m., one of the hostages was instructed to approach the window again and drop a new letter, this time for the reporters.

At 1:40 p.m., the police requested that the hostages on the upper floors be allowed to move downstairs. The young men agreed, but Gevorg approached the window and informed the police that bombs were placed at all the entrances of the consulate, warning them not to attempt any attacks.

At 2:20 p.m., a French hostage who had a heart condition was provided with medication as his condition had worsened.

At 3:00 p.m., arrangements were made for the children of the hostages to return home from school.

At 4:00 p.m., Vazgen’s condition deteriorated, and medical assistance was requested over the phone from the police. The police refused the request.

At 4:10 p.m., one of the turkish hostages approached the window, declaring that the deputy consul was wounded and might die if no doctor was sent, placing responsibility on the police.

At 4:20 p.m., a doctor arrived but refused to go upstairs out of fear.

At 4:25 p.m., they contacted the police again, demanding political asylum ("asile politique") for Vazgen. The police entered into negotiations with the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

At 5:35 p.m., there was no official statement about "asile politique." One of the hostages approached the window and declared that if "asile politique" was not granted, the lives of the deputy consul and the hostages would be in danger.

At 5:55 p.m., the police officially announced on behalf of the Ministry of Internal Affairs that "asile politique" would be granted if the deputy consul was released.

At 6:20 p.m., Vazgen entered negotiations with the police over the terms of his surrender. He demanded that upon arriving at the hospital, he be allowed to speak with his comrades by phone. The police initially refused but later relented.

At 6:35 p.m., Vazgen left the consulate. The police tried to put him in an ambulance, but Vazgen resisted, standing on the sidewalk and raising the victory "V" sign with his right hand. Gevorg waited behind the window with a hostage. Vazgen tried to shout but was too weakened by blood loss. Soon after he was taken to the hospital.

At 6:50 p.m., Vazgen spoke with his comrades from the hospital and was taken to surgery.

At 7:15 p.m., food was requested for the hostages.

At 7:53 p.m., the body of the turkish policeman was removed. Interestingly enough, the hostages that were assigned to remove the body, willingly went back in after doing so, firmly deciding to stand by the cause.

At 9:00 p.m., turkish protesters tried to approach the consulate. Gevorg, Aram and Hakob threatened to throw grenades. The police halted the protest, which had about 2,000 participants. On the opposite side of the street, Armenians were also demonstrating.

At 10:10 p.m., food was delivered by the police.

At 11:00 p.m., the police demanded negotiations several times, but the group refused.

At 11:15 p.m., the deadline set by the young men for meeting their demands passed, and the noise from the turkish protesters became more frenzied.

At 11:20 p.m., gunfire was heard inside the consulate. At midnight, it was reported from inside that another wounded soldier wished to surrender, for whom "asile politique" was again demanded.

At 12:50 a.m., the police announced that the French government had decided to grant the right of political asylum to the second fighter.

At 1:00 a.m., the police were informed that the wounded fighter, like Vazgen, should descend and remain on the street. Hakob Julfayan exited. Heavily wounded, he was unable to stand on the street.

At 1:20 a.m., Hakob called his comrades from the hospital and was taken to surgery.

At 1:30 a.m., Gevorg negotiated with the police, demanding "asile politique" for the remaining fighters. The police declared that all four fighters had been granted that right. The only issue left was how they would surrender. The police demanded that they lay down their weapons and come out. Gevorg and Aram refused. At the same time, the hostages declared that if the fighters surrendered in such a manner, the police would open fire on them. By now, the hostages fully understood why the operation was happening; the boys had shared the harrowing history of the 1915 Armenian Genocide and the countless other atrocities. So, when ASALA fighters Gevorg and Aram were ready to leave, the female hostages, of their own accord, surrounded the two in an effort to shield them from being shot by the police. This same pattern can be observed in many of ASALA’s operations: hostages, journalists, and even those injured during the operations later became supporters of the Armenian Cause.

At 2:20 a.m., Gevorg and Aram surrendered. After holding 59 hostages for more than 15 hours, the four fighters of the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (ASALA) entered into negotiations with the turkish government, mediated by the French government. Naturally, the turkish government did not meet their demands.

However, it was the trial of these four soldiers that painted the operation in colors of victory. It was the first political trial since the 1921 trial of Soghomon Tehlirian. The trial of the four fighters became a platform for condemning Turkey for its crimes against humanity.

The Armenian cause was vigorously defended by a constellation of prominent lawyers in France, including Leclerc, Tejan, Signar, Patrick Devedjian, Aslanyan and Peshtimaljian.

Entering the court smiling, the handcuffed defendants all made the victory "V" sign with their hands. Defendant Kevork Guzelian told the court: "Whatever your verdict, our action is already a victory."

At the trial, the widow of France’s national hero, Missak Manouchian, Mrs. Meliné, delivered a speech condemning genocidal Turkey, and with the judge’s permission, kissed the foreheads of the four fighters, an exception made especially for her. Letters from Charles Aznavour and Henri Verneuil were also read. The singer Liz Saryan was also present at the hearings. The benevolent attitude of the president of the court was remarkable, who throughout the trial urged the audience to refrain from labeling the action of ASALA as “terrorism” and the heroes of the brigade as “terrorists”. They might have been labeled as terrorists, but their actions had nothing to do with terrorism; they were part of a struggle for liberation from an occupying genocidal state. Would anyone call the partisans of Belarus, France, Greece or Yugoslavia, who fought against fascism, terrorists, too?

“It is very important that the society understands the essence of the case, the origins of the Armenian question. Terrorism and genocide are what was committed against the Armenian people, but the people sitting in front of us are not terrorists, they are the descendants of the victims of terrorism and genocide," — said Devejian during the first court hearing

The long trial of the battle group was in itself a great anti-turkish war. The trial of “VAN” turned into a trial of the Turkish government.

The “VAN” operation and the political trial that followed it played a major role in bringing the Armenian issue to the international political arena, globalizing the territorial claim and the violated rights of the Armenian people, creating a new wave of condemnation of the reality of the Armenian genocide, strengthening the pride and spirit of struggle among Armenians.

The four fighters– Vasken Sako Sislian, Kevork Abraham Guzelian, Aram Avedis Basmajian and Hagop Abraham Dzhulfayan – were convicted on 31 January 1984 to 7 years in prison (including the years of their stay in detention pending trial). During the reading of the verdict, the majority of the participants also got up upon hearing the words “accused, stand up”. Singer Rosy Armen sang “Wake Up, Lao”, (a popular Armenian revolutionary folk song) and she was joined by the many voices of those present. In 1986, while still serving their sentence, three of the fighters - Vazgen, Gevorg and Hagop graduated from the Sorbonne University in Paris. Of the four fighters, three survived prison; Aram Basmajyan committed suicide in 1985. He is buried in Père Lachaise Cemetery in Paris (his symbolic grave is located in Yerablur, in the symbolic pantheon of martyrs under the shadow of ASALA’s memorial monument at the entrance to the Armenian Pantheon of Immortals).

Vazgen, Gevorg and Hakob were released early in August 1986 and returned to Lebanon. Years later, all three settled in Armenia. Gevorg Kyuzelian became the commander of the "Metsn Murad" detachment and participated in the Artsakh Liberation War. Vazgen Sislyan also made contributions to the liberation battles.