Theory and Experiment in the Science on Human Motor Behavior |Â Juniper Publishers
Juniper Publishers- Journal of Physical Fitness, Medicine & Treatment in Sports
Introduction
The Experimental Bias
Let us start from the quotation from N.A. Bernstein of 1947: âThe overflowing stream of new information in all the branches of natural science and, directly to its growth, the increasing differentiation of scientific and scientific-practical professions, create an increasing danger of turning their representatives into narrow specialists lacking any general horizon, blind to anything except the narrow path that they have chosen in life⌠it emasculates creative thinking, impoverishes their work with respect to fresh ideas and wide perspectives. Jonathan Swift, also about 200 years ago, predicted the emergence of such âGelehrtersâ with blinkers on their eyes, blind, confused cranks; Swift sharply ridiculed them in his description of the Academy of Sciences on the Island of Lagado [1]â.
Typical Experimental Paper A Specific Rationale for Experimental Paper    Â
In 1963 Bernard K. Forscher of Mayo Clinic, Rochester, Minnesota, published the paper entitled âChaos in the Brickyardâ [2]. It is easily available in Internet; hence I will not describe it in detail. Its âtake home messageâ was that we observe the excessive bias towards experimental research while compared with theoretical works. Such a phenomenon slows down the real progress in science yet does not impair the feeling that producers of ânew, original, experimental dataâ are âgenuineâ scientists. Symptomatically enough, the paper has been written more than half a century agoâŚ
Guy Sorman interviewed Karl R. Popper, who stated: âuniversities, completely foolishly, have fragmented the knowledge into different, specialized branches; each of them, without any necessity, has been closed into its own ritual and terminology [3]â.
Richard Schmidt and Timothy Lee, while commenting the achievements of Edwin A. Fleischman, wrote: âFleishmanâs work leaves a legacy for future efforts on solving problems of predictionâ [4]. What seems worth emphasizing: not âfor solving problemsâ, but âfor future efforts on solving problemsâ.
While comparing with these quotations, the following statement by Gerd Gigerenzer sounds rather ominously: âSome years ago I spent a day and a night in a magnificent library reading through issues of the âJournal of Experimental Psychologyâ from the 1920s and 1930s⌠What depressed me was that nearly all of this meticulous work has been forgotten. Most of it involved collecting data without substantive theory. Data without theory is like a baby without a parent: Its life expectancy is low. Are these the kind of babies we want to produce?â [5].
The âlimited applicabilityâ (it is for sure understatement) of rough or merely slightly statistically processed ânew, original, experimental dataâ may originate in the phenomenon which Peter Medawar described with the words: âtheory destroys factsâ [6]. Moreover, only the theories make the science, and not the facts themselves. They may only serve as shapeless ashes, fertilizing the ground on which the theories grow.
However, the âintellectual environmentâ of the contemporary science is being characterized by two important factors:
I. Easiness of data collecting, especially while using modern technological devices; then quotation of âlearnedâ references and simple statistical processing endows the whole with some âscientificityâ.
II. NaĂŻve belief that the quantity of data will âby itselfâ transform into science quality.
As the âintellectual daughterâ of the latter might be regarded the âbig dataâ technique. Cathy OâNeil has shown how dangerous or even disastrous might be thoughtless application of simplifiedâor even primitive, while compared with the complexity of realityâmathematical algorithms in the regions, where they are hardly useful or not applicable at all. She has even coined the ominously sounding term âweapon of math destructionâ [7]. However, the mathematical equations work âby themselvesâ; hence, they release scientist from thinking. In addition, already in 18th century Joshua Reynolds remarked. âThere is no expedient to which a man will not resort to avoid the real labor of thinkingâ.
This is why Jack Cohen and Ian Stewart argue that âAt least 999 out of a thousand scientific papers are about complex details, but the one that we treasure and for which we award a Nobel Prize is the one that reveals a new simplicityâ [8]. Still further went Paul Feyerabend, who argued that the society should be protected against science-apparently dignified, with nearly liturgical rituals, but in fact often worthless [9].
To sum up, one might state that the experimental results belong to reality, whereas science resides in the sphere of abstraction. There is no one-to-one relation between them. The gap between worlds of things, phenomena and processes on the one side, and words, statements and theories on the other, has to be bridged by reasoning and concluding, which by no means is clear and unambiguous. Nevertheless, it makes one and only way to science creation. Especially in disciplines, which nearly completely rely on reasoning and concluding, and to very limited extent on experimental data. Like, e.g., the science on human motor behavior.
Let us take as an example a properly elaborated, precisely written, peer-reviewed, solid experimental paper. In 2018 Satoshi Unenaka, Sachi Ikudome, Shiro Mori and Hiroki Nakamoto published in âFrontiers in Psychologyâ the article entitled âConcurrent Imitative Movement During Action Observation Facilitates Accuracy of Outcome Prediction in Less Skilled Performersâ [10]. It bases on results of researches into outcome prediction in two basketball players groups: skilled and less-skilled one. In abstract, they wrote: âThe results showed that skilled group had degraded accuracy of outcome prediction in the self-motion condition compared to the observation condition. In contrast, accuracy in the less-skilled group was facilitated in the imitative-motion condition compared to the observation conditionâ.
In fact, the authors presented the results of their experiments, supported by observations of other scientists (references). They associate, in some places of the paper, their results with the different theoretical findings of other scientists and have processed their results statistically. However, the statistics may make an image of reality sharper, indeed, but it is not able to explain âby itselfâ, what namely is being presented on the image. In this respect, instructively sounds the following, slightly malicious, reflection of unknown author. âStatistical Analysis: Mysterious, sometimes bizarre, manipulations performed upon the collected data of an experiment in order to obscure the fact that the results have no generalizable meaning for humanity. Commonly, computers are used, lending an additional aura of unreality to the proceedingsâ.
More detailed, and very instructively, the potentialities and limitations of statisticsâand even some âdictatorshipâ of this discipline in modern science â have been described by Garland O. Ashley [11]. He argued, âThe statistical method has become used in altogether too many inappropriate and wholly inapplicable places in our professional life.â
Hence, statistics is a discipline of science for statisticians, but only one of many tools for non-statisticians. It does not build a science âby itselfâ. Here inevitable is an interpretation (by definition â subjective) and creation of a hypothesis. Unfortunately, Unenaka and his colleagues do not invent any coherent, conceptual rationale for their findings. Let us try to invent a specific rationale. To deserve the noble title âscientificâ, it has to be prone to critics and modifications.
At first, let us categorize the âselfâmotionâ as a motor operation controlled with the feedforward mode, and the âimitative-motionâ-as a motor operation controlled with the feedback mode. The latter is by far more time-consuming and âintellectually expensiveâ [12]. Howeverânot without reasonâthe feedback control mode is being regarded as one of the greatest achievements of evolution. Because it enables learning and perfecting the operations (also motor ones) under consideration. Nevertheless, the final aim of the feedback control mode is⌠elimination of the feedback loop. One might say that its mission is in fact suicidal. Hence, a skilled performer uses swifter and âintellectually cheaperâ feedforward control mode. S/he does not need any extrinsic cue, and-to protect the âintellectual cheapnessâ-s/he blocks and rejects such cues.
By the way: Already in 18th century historian, Edward Gibbon remarked (very aptly) âthe power of instruction is seldom of much efficacy, except in those happy dispositions where it is almost superfluous [13]â.
While analyzing control modes of a motor operation, one might build a specific âcontrol spaceâ. On its one border, we have the âhit-or-missâ method, typical for novices. It relies fully on feedback control; hence, it uses the extrinsic cues. Therefore, it is fully opened to learning process. On the other border of such a space, we have routine, which relies fully on feedforward control mode and ignores any extrinsic cue. Consequently, it is tightly closed to learning process.
In this respect, telling might be such a comparison. My driverâs license is by far older than, e.g., that of Lewis Hamilton. However, he is no doubt much better driver than I am. Because I have attained some level of experience long ago and it is enough for me. It has already transformed, to great extent, into routine. I have only to learn, what mean the warning lights and indicators on the dashboard of my car, which did not exist in 1960s, when I have got my driverâs licenseâlong before Hamilton was born. However, to protect his title of champion, Hamilton has incessantly apply the TTLâi.e., âtesting the limitsââtechnique. He has to be open to incessant improvement of his driverâs competence. In other words, while driving a car I can use the âintellectually cheapâ feedforward control, whereas Hamilton is forced to apply the âintellectually expensiveâ feedback control mode.
The other problem is that the âimitativeâmotionâ, as by Unenaka and his colleagues, needs visual information processing, whereas the technique of free shot in basketball bases on contact stimuli (playerâs hand â ball), which cannot be observed from outside. However, a detailed analysis of this problem would need another theoretical paper. To great extent, it has been described in [12].
One more remark. Richard Schmidt wrote: âSince laws are the product of human creativity, different laws can be formulated by two different individuals who are examining the same observations. Laws do not automatically spring forth from the facts [14]â.
Thus, ânew, original, empirical dataâ evoke no doubts, whereas the theory is always ambiguous. Nevertheless, the Science (with great âSâ) consists of theories.
Symptomatic are the following statements of Uneneka et al., âIn contrast, although learners accumulate knowledge about kinematic-outcome associations during perceptual training via perceptual experience, several recent studies have indicated the importance of motor experience for enhancing prediction abilities of athletes⌠Furthermore, recent evidence suggests that perceptual and motor experience develop different prediction mechanisms namely visual- and motorbased prediction, respectively. Motor experience more greatly improves prediction abilities based on kinematic cues than does perceptual experience such as observation of otherâs actionâ.
Such a relation between visual and haptic aspects of a motor operation is coherent with the system-theoretical perspective of motor control in humans (1; 12; 15; 16; 17). Accordingly, such aspects are not separated from each other, but they form a single, coherent-yet not homogenous-system. In other words, it is possible to invent a system-theoretical, scientific model which will account for such phenomena. Already in 1852, William B. Carpenter postulated close connection between mental and motor aspects of movements in living beings, sometimes even independent of current physical stimuli [18]. This phenomenon makes a basis for mind-to-muscle and muscle-to-mind techniques [19].
The reductionist analysis of such an aspect cannot explain the mechanism of human motor behavior. Because it âkillsâ probably the most elusive â and powerful as well â product of a system: the unpredictable, qualitatively new, emergent system effect. While seen from system-theoretical perspective, the science on human motor behavior consists mainly of system effects. This is why in this discipline mathematics seems to be hardly applicable.
       Conclusion
The presented paper may be regarded as a comment to only several, arbitrarily chosen aspects of the typical, proper, solid experimental work by Unenaka and his colleagues. In conclusion, the authors of this paper wrote: âFurther studies are needed to clarify the mechanism of enhancement in prediction through concurrent imitation because it is unclear from the results whether the less-skilled participants were actually using a type of motor-based simulation processâ.
Instead of a long exegetical analysis of this statement, let us remember the following anecdote about Albert Einstein: âDuring his stay in Zurich, the woman doctor, Paulette Brubacher, asked the whereabouts of his [Einsteinâs] laboratory. With a smile, he took a fountain pen out of his breast pocket and said: âhereâ [20]â.
It seems more and more evident that in the science on human motor behavior we need like an oxygen the Einsteinâs fountain pen rather, and not new, original, experimental data.
Last (but not least) remark. Contemporary science is not a noble searching for objective truth, but simply business. Here applies the rule âpublish or perishâ. However, to publish a paper, an author has to pay a publication fee. As a result, nowadays the âscientific straysâ like, e.g., the young assistant examiner, III level, in the Federal Office for Intellectual Property in Bern, Switzerland, named Albert Einstein -with no financial support from any institution, have no chances to make their ideas known to wide auditory. No matter, how valuable such ideas might be.
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