Prices at the pump have leapt since the start of the conflict â but clinging to fossil fuels will only prolong the pain, says Berlin-based j
The car is perhaps the closest thing Germany has to a national symbol. For this reason, the success of the auto industry and the happiness of motorists has long been a barometer for the standing of the Federal Republic. Since the beginning of the war on Iran, German news has been filled with stories about drivers. Journalists have filed breathless dispatches from petrol stations all over the country, reporting scenes of anger and frustration at the hike in fuel prices. The anger is understandable. Diesel rose briefly to over âŹ2.40 (ÂŁ2.08) a litre, a more than 50% increase on the price a year ago. Because the effects of the war have been quickly felt in the form of inflation, the crisis in the strait of Hormuz has revealed just how fragile the European economy is â although it is not the first time Europeans have been forced to learn the lesson of their energy dependency. Between 2020 and 2024, Covid, the obstruction of the Suez canal by the Ever Given container ship, Russiaâs war on Ukraine and Israelâs war on Gaza all disrupted global trade and EU energy security. These earlier crises should have taught the German government about how to respond politically to such shocks. But its reaction to the US-Israel war on Iran has again exposed the hypocrisy of energy politics in Germany. Friedrich Merzâs governing coalition of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), Christian Social Union (CSU) and Social Democratic (SPD) parties, has responded to the latest disruption to oil shipments by doubling down on its commitment to fossil fuels. This has taken the form of new subsidies for fossil fuels and drafting new laws that could defund renewable energy projects. On 23 March, Katherina Reiche, Germanyâs minister for economic affairs and energy, gave a remarkable speech at an energy conference in Houston, Texas, in which she called into question the EU law which enshrines the goal of net zero emissions by 2050. âThere is a flexibility we have to get back,â she said, adding that this could only be achieved by âallowing different solutions and technologiesâ and accepting that it could mean the EU may miss its net zero goal by âmaybe 5 or 10% by 2050â.
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