#hetairoi

LOLOL

There are different kinds of kisses, obviously. And a “royal kiss” in Persia was different, yet again.

Even now in Greece, Italy, Spain, and other places in the Mediterranean, greeting kisses are pretty common, even between men. There’s nothing sexual about it. It’s very important, when evaluating ancient behavior, to take into account cultural difference. A greeting kiss is no more sexual than you kissing your mother—even between lovers.

The difficulty in deciding what the Persian Royal Kiss meant, much less proskynesis, is changing assumptions across time. Hugh Bowden has an excellent discussion of proskynesis in particular, “On Kissing and Making Up” (2013), what it meant prior to and in the 4th century, and what it came to mean in later Hellenistic and Roman eras changed (56-62). The Greeks utilized proskynesis outside association with Persia. Hugh noted that some sort of proskynesis was made when somebody sneezed (61)! Perhaps some sort of blown kiss, much as when we say, “Bless you”?

The Royal Kiss of the Persian King was on a different level: the offer of “family” status.

Persia had a very distinct glass ceiling—despite being perceived as the kinder, gentler overlords of Asia, post-Assyria. If satrapies might be returned to former local kings after a pledge of loyalty—hence the Great King’s traditional title “King of Kings”—non-Persians could rise only so far. The immediate offices around the king, as well as (often but not always) regional governors (a station above provincial satraps), were Persian Only. Similarly, and despite the many women in the harem, the Chief Wife was Persian Only. Past a certain point, only Persians could advance.

In warfare, the soldiers who immediately surrounded the king, or who served as his military bodyguard, were called The Kin. They’re not all actually related to him (although a number likely were, however distantly). But the STATUS of “kin” was a specific honor, conferred by the king, and elevated a man and his family for life. This is a chunk of why Memnon’s authority and advice was resisted when Alexander first crossed over into Persia. Despite being married into an important Persian satrapal family (Artabazus’s), he wasn’t Persian. And it mattered. (At least until after the disaster that was Granikos.)

In not shying away from pointing out the arrogance of the Macedonians (and Greeks), it’s worth noting that the Persians were no better.

Most ALL ancient cultures and ethnicities thought they were best and the rest of the world was filled with barbarians. It’s classic Center-Periphery thinking, to which the Persians were just as inclined as the Greeks. And the Assyrians before that, and the Babylonians before that, and the Egyptians before that….

When Alexander took over as King of Asia, he tried to adopt at least some Persian court customs, introducing them in two main “waves.” The first began in the mid-summer of 331, just after Darius’s death. The second wave came after his return from Gedrosia in what would be the last year/year-and-a-half of his life, although of course he didn’t know that then.

He began using the Persian Royal Kiss early with Macedonians (along with some pretty pricy gifts) to soothe ruffled feathers regarding the Medizing (Persianizing). The “kin” of the Persian king were, in social function, not that different from the Companions of the Macedonian king, and likely originated in similar tribal structures. While Cyrus and then Darius adopted a number of ANE customs and ideologies regarding kingship back into the Bronze Age, they came from a loose tribal structure that may not have been all that different from the early Macedonians and their immediate neighbors.

Anyway, the kiss was a way of cementing the loyalty of men to the king, personally.

Sorry for the delay; had pre-spring break grading and then about 99-jillion things to look at for committees, new classes, history department review (ugh), etc. So catching up on asks.

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All of ancient Greece was basically a testosterone-infused pressure cooker, but the Macedonian Elite and the court especially so.

That said, this was a (relatively) small group of people who would’ve known one another from at least teen years, and probably younger for some. Gene Borza once measured the stone first row of the Aigai theatre: the only fixed seating there; the rest would have been wooden risers or, more likely, just people sitting on a grass rise. Anyway, Gene said that, given its length, and estimating seat size, about 100 butts would fit on it. Likewise, recent excavations at Mieza reveal a large palaistra that could accommodate around a hundred boys—much larger than we previously believed were present with Alexander, although I’m not sure how secure the dating is. While some brothers were probably among them, the numbers more or less add up.

So the core Hetairoi were about 100, probably expanding somewhat under Philip, and considerably more under Alexander. That said, under Alexander—for the first time really—the Hetairoi would have been divided for an extended period (not just a year or two on campaign, at most). Not all the Hetairoi would have gone with Alexander to Asia. In fact, I expect more stayed (and sent sons) than accompanied him.

Again, I’m not sure it’s entirely clear if sons became Hetairoi while their fathers were still living. There’s just not really enough evidence. But even if they weren’t formally, they would have been “Hetairoi rank,” not unlike the Argead clan rule. There was only one king, but all male members of the clan theoretically could become king, and they often had other assignments, up to and including as “governors” of various (lowland) cantons. That’s what Philip himself was doing when his elder brother Perdikkas (III) was killed on a battlefield facing Illyrians in 359 BCE.

Anyway, my main point is the Macedonian court elite was a “big-small pond.” As with any group that relatively small, but larger than a couple dozen, you’ll have niche groups well off the center (of the king’s immediate friends) as well as shifting alliances. One would find the usual personality clashes and squabbles quite apart from trying to get close to Alexander.

I don’t know about you, but my personal circle of friends is not the same today as it was even 5 years ago. Partly that owes to the death of one (brain cancer), which scrambled lines. But friends fall out with one another, and then (sometimes) fall back in. Also new circumstances make new friends. There’s always that one who has to be at war with somebody, but who changes every 6 months, then they’re suddenly friends again with former enemies, to create alliances against the new “out” person. There’s also that friend who feels a need to rescue people, so their focus shifts periodically depending on who currently needs rescuing. There’s the resident shit-stirrer, and the resident drama queen/king; the risk-taker and the extrovert always looking for something new (that was likely Alexander). There’s the social climber who rearranges targets depending on who is currently useful to them, and who is now in their way.

This is why, when I look at the circle of Companions and Friends around Alexander, I try to caution people that those bitterly opposed later in the Successor Era cannot be projected backwards. For all we know, Perdikkas and Ptolemy were once drinking buddies. And as I’ve implied a few times, I’m not sure Krateros wasn’t friendly with Hephaistion…right up until Hephaistion was advanced to command half the Companion Cavalry, and not Krateros.

I suppose what I’m trying to say is that some would have been true friends, long-term (like Alexander and Hephaistion). Others may have been more akin to buddies, while yet others were “utilitarian friends” (one of Aristotle’s categories). Allies might be a better term; they serve a purpose, but it’s likely mutual. There were also the “users,” who courted whoever they needed to, to get ahead. And then there were those who just got on each other’s last nerve.

Let me explain a little about the Macedonian court to explain why the above is unlikely.

Most folks are familiar with the institution of the Royal Pages, or “King’s Boys” (Basiliskoi Paides). Following NGL Hammond, these boys were c. 14-18. (Although if they had a strict age threshold, it’s hard to say; I suspect Hammond may have been unduly influenced by the Athenian institution of the ephebic military service, which was set at 18 to enter.)

Anyway, in addition to the Royal Pages, we also have a unit called the “Hunters” (Kynegoi), associated with Herakles. What they did is unclear, but seems to have been for boys about 18+, again, upper-class (Hetairoi). Various suppositions have been supplied, but I like Hatzopoulos’s (if I remember right) that they may have functioned rather like a “police force” outside Pella in the countryside of the lowlands, as officer-training. It makes a certain amount of sense, as it would be good experience for young men to learn to think on their own in dangerous situations. It seems like a logical extension of the Royal Pages. Alternatively (or perhaps in addition, as the Kynegoi were not—it seems—a military unit) boys exiting the Pages entered the Pezhetairoi (under Philip) or the Hypaspists (under Alexander): a specialist unit with picked men, especially those “bigger” than average (taller, more bulky). Hephaistion appears to have gone into that unit at some point.

Now, as you can imagine, the competition and back-biting would have been ENORMOUS in either group, to get the attention of the king. But throw the prince into the mix, and it was more so.

In addition to the King’s Boys, royal princes appear to have had a group of young men semi-assigned to them by the king: the syntrophoi. These are picked contemporaries, almost certainly most from the Hetairois class, who were “raised” and educated with him. Meant to be his playmates…and eventually his high-ranking officers. It’s what Curtius refers to when he says Hephaistion was “raised and educated” together with Alexander. He was one of the syntrophoi. Each prince had his own set. We don’t know how many they numbered (probably varied), but IF the gymnasion recently discovered near/at Mieza is any indicator, a prince (especially the one designated as heir) might have as many syntrophoi as the king had Hetairoi: a hundred or so.

(In Dancing with the Lion, I didn’t want to juggle that many boys, but also, I wrote the book before that ginormous gymnasion was found. So while I did have a gymnasion there, it wasn’t anywhere near so large. I’d have reduced the number of boys anyway. There are enough unfamiliar names floating around as it is!)

So I wanted to explain how the court worked, in order to understand how Hephaistion would have entered into Alexander’s personal circle. What his roles might have been.

As a syntrophos of Alexander, Hephaistion’s parents may well have encouraged him to seek royal attention and approval, as that would reflect well on their family. But he wasn’t “chosen” to be Alexander’s best friend. He would have had to fight and elbow his way into that position. Competition was standard for Greek (and Macedonian) culture. Something about Hephaistion attracted Alexander. I doubt it was anything purely sexual. Hephaistion’s isolation at the court, if he was, indeed, of Attic or Ionian extraction, may have made him valuable because he didn’t have lots of family to divide his loyalties (from Alexander). But I’m sure it was more than that.

It’s okay if they just, you know, liked each other. 😊 Not everything is transactional.

We know that Alexander considered him very dear, and seems to have for a while. Sabine Muller and I disagree over when Hephaistion joined Alexander’s court, but even if we follow Sabine’s timeline,* which makes him an adult, not a boy or teen, he appears to have become important to Alexander fairly early.

We don’t know how Hephaistion felt, except by extrapolation. I tend to believe the affection was mutual, not one-sided or opportunistic from Hephaistion. Here’s why:

1) Alexander was a smart guy, and a prince from day one. He would’ve learned to smell sycophancy in childhood. It’s a survival tactic. No matter how good of an actor Hephaistion may have been, long-term, an act would have worn thin. In fact, I think Hephaistion’s importance to Alexander was precisely because it was genuine. Alexander got lucky and found a true best friend—a rare thing for kings.

2) As for why they got along… IME, smart people in positions of authority (who are not narcissistic**) may put up with and find use for yes-men/women for a while, especially in “underling” positions. But they grow tired of them long-term. Hephaistion and Alexander were close for years. And, if I’m right and they’d met by Mieza (if not before), they were friends, even best friends,*** for 19 years. That’s longer than most modern marriages.

Therefore, I’ve always seen Hephaistion as someone uniquely able to keep up with Alexander, and who was honest with him (something Curtius asserts). In short, Alexander not only found that rare thing—a true best friend—he found one smart enough to match him, but who didn’t elicit a response from his over-developed “competition” gene.

As I’ve said before, all of that is why I find their story so compelling. In a competitive, calculating world, it seems refreshingly real.

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*“Hephaistion,” Lexicon of Argead Macedonia, Heckel, Heinrichs, Muller, Pownall, Frank and Timme, 2020.

**Alexander was not a narcissist. I’ve seen him accused of it, especially lately with Trump as a model, but narcissists are rarely so successful (their own delusions prevent it), and he just doesn’t tick enough DSM diagnostic boxes, for me.

An impressive reenactment of a Macedonian Royal Hypaspist by the German Historical association Hetairoi (Εταίροι). Felicitations to them for their work. The hypaspistae (υπασπισταί) were an elite Macedonian infantry unit of multiple military uses. (more…)