Would Alexander have really married Cleopatra Eurydice? He seems to have respected her enough despite her relation to Attalus- some sources say when removing her statue from the Philippeum he transferred it to another respected place in Heraion. Did they get along personally? How would their marriage have changed matters, if at all?
Did Alexander Mean to Marry Kleopatra Eurydike?
Okay, first, I believe we have a confusion/conflation of Eurydikes. The one from the Philippion is Philipâs mother, wife of Amyntas III. Her statue was never removed out by Alexander, so Iâm unsure what the asker is referring to? The statues were lost over time, but we have the statue bases, and descriptions of the monument. See especially Elizabeth D. Carney, âThe Philippeum, Women, and the Formation of Dynastic Image,â in W. Heckel, L. Tritle, and P. Wheatley (eds.) Alexanderâs Empire: Formulation to Decay (Claremont, CA, 2007) 27-70. For Eurydike herself, see Olga Palagia, âPhilip's Eurydice in the Philippeum at Olympia,â in E. Carney and D. Ogden (eds.), Philip II and Alexander the Great (Oxford 2010) 33-41.
âEurydikeâ became a dynastic name, so it keeps popping up among Argeads (and later). Philipâs mother was Eurydike, as was his daughter, wife of Philip III Arrhidaios: (Hadea) Eurydike. Also Kleopatra, niece of Attalos, took the name Eurydike when she married Philip. But she was never in the Philippeon. Philipâs only wife represented there was Olympias, mother of his heir, Alexander. Amyntas III and Eurydike appeared as his parents.
We have no idea if Alexander shared more than a few words with Attalosâs neice. Given her uncleâs hostility towards him, he would likely have minimized contact. Also, timing was against it. Alexander left on the heels of the marriage, was gone 6 months to a year, then likely kept his distance after his return. While Macedonian women were not as sequestered as in Athens, men and (respectable) unrelated women still didnât mingle freely. If he did interact with her, it would have been when visiting the womenâs rooms to see his sisters, with plenty of women present. If marrying a dead fatherâs widow had precedent, an affair with the wife of oneâs living father was another thing. Alexander knew his mythology, and wouldâve had no desire to be Hippolytos.* After he took the throne, he had to leave relatively quickly to settle affairs in the southâŚand she was (likely) dead before he returned.
As for the marriage⌠this was suggested by my colleague, Tim Howe: âThe Giver of the Bride, the Bridegroom, and the Bride,â in T. Howe, S. MĂźller, and R. Stoneman, Ancient Historiography on War and Empire (Oxbow, 2017) 92-124. Nothing in the ancient sources says Alexander planned such a marriage BUT marrying the wife (especially if young) of the former king wasnât novel in Macedonia; Archelaos did the same. It was accepted practice generally.
The titbit that might suggest Alexander did plan to wed Kleopatra-Eurydike ⌠Olympias murdered her.
Now, ignoring Justinâs account of a son Karanos, which is wrong (for reasons I donât have time to go into), Kleopatra-Eurydikeâs child was a girl (Europa). That means Kleopatra had no power in the womenâs rooms after Philipâs assassination. So why the hell would Olympias kill the infant (and her, by extension)? Revenge alone?
Possibly. Revenge, especially for a slight to timÄ (personal honor), was a perfectly respectable reason to kill someone. âTurn the other cheek,â or âWhen they go low, we go high,â is a very Christianized view. But an even better revenge would have been to let her live to raise an extra daughter under the king her uncle had insulted and schemed to replace. Philip had 3 prior adult/almost adult daughters. A 4th, well over a decade from marriageability, was a day late and a dollar short. She could expect a miserable existence in the Pella palace where she was no threat to Olympias.
Unless Alexander planned to marry her in a diplomatic solution to suppress Attalosâs faction, and secure Parmenionâs support. (Attalos had married Parmenionâs daughter.) I strongly suspect Philipâs final marriage was not the midlife-crisis love match Plutarch/Diodoros present, but an attempt to deal with push back in his latter years. Alexander may have decided that marrying the girl was the best way to deal with it too.
And if Alexander did plan to marry her, she was a threat to Olympiasâ influence. This isnât necessarily jealousy. Olympias may have decided that wooing the snake wasnât sound policy. Remember that Alexander was barely twenty and Olympias would have been between 36 and 38, with oodles more political experience. While sure, her move was self-serving, it also may have been sound policy to keep her son from the match. (Two things can be true at once.)
Alexander need not have publicly declared an intention to marry his fatherâs widow; he had bigger fish to fry in the immediate aftermath. Yet if heâd discussed it privately, his mother may have moved to eliminate the possibility while he was out of the country. The brutality of the murder certainly suggests a vengeance theme.
Incidentally, while the death of Europa at Olympiasâs hands (and Eurydikeâs subsequent suicide) is not securely dated in our sourcesâexcept that Alexander wasnât in Pellaâit almost certainly occurred in the first months after Philipâs death, during Alexanderâs first trip into the Greek south, to shore up support for the Persian invasion and re-ratify the Corinthian League.
As for how their marriage may have changed thingsâŚit would almost certainly have put Alexander under the thumb of Attalos-Parmenion. We can see, in the appointments of his two sons, that Parmenion alone held great sway in Alexanderâs early yearsâbut at least he wasnât an in-law. For once, Olympias and Antipatros were likely on the same side. (Antipatros and Parmenion werenât precisely friendly.) If, as I suspect, Philip made that marriage for political reasons, it suggests the Attalos factionâwhatever that entailedâwas strong enough to force Philipâs hand before leaving on a probable long-term campaign. That means Attalos was powerful. And a 20-year-old Alexander was no match for him, even if adolescent arrogance may have made him think he was. Olympias may also have decided/suspected that the Attalos-Parmenion tie wasnât as strong as Alexander fearedâwhich proved to be true. When push came to shove, Parmenion allowed Attalos to be eliminated on Alexanderâs order.
Arrian glosses over all this. I wish we had the first two books of Curtius, who likely covered the story of Alexanderâs accession in more detail. It would provide more clues. Attalos sorta comes out of nowhere at the end of Philipâs life. Although Diodorosâ account of his reign is so truncated we donât know the marshals under Philip well, so he may have been around longer than it seems.
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* Alexander knew his mythology. Theseusâs second wife, Phaidra, was reportedly cursed to conceive a passion for her (more age-appropriate) son-in-law, Hippolytos. Yet Hippolytos had pledged his virginity to Artemis, offending Aphrodite, who was behind the curse. When Hippolytos rebuked poor Phaedraâs advances, she suicided, leaving a note implicating Hippolytos (for rape). As punishment, Theseus asked his father Poseidon to kill his son. While out in his chariot, a sea monster spooked the horses, he fell out the back but got tangled in the reins, and they dragged him to death. A variation exists in which Aisklepios brings him back from death but Hades is so offended/(worried) by this power, he asks his brother Zeus to strike down Aisklepios by lightningâŚwhich he does. One of the few cases of a god dying. (Theyâre immortal, yesâŚbut can be killed; itâs just that few things can kill one. Being fried by lightning will do it.)













