There are moments in public life when the old words keep their spelling and lose their meaning. A court order is called temporary, though it may do permanent work. A command to remove speech is called restraint, though restraint is what one puts upon an animal. A ban on future words is described as protection, though the thing chiefly protected is power from embarrassment.

The case of Reckless Ben is one of these moments. A man makes videos about a dispute between a business and a private citizen. The videos become popular. Money is raised. Anger spreads. The business goes to court. The court hears one side. An order is signed. The videos must come down. The next video must not go up. The man appears for a minute and a half and says, in the plainest possible terms, that he has finished his work and cannot publish it without risking jail.

This is the point at which decent citizens are expected to become stupid.

They are asked to believe that nothing serious has happened because the document is clothed in legal language. They are asked to believe that silence is not silence when it is produced by a judge. They are asked to believe that a speaker remains free so long as he is free to guess which words may send him to jail. They are asked, above all, to believe that the suppression of speech is not censorship when the censor uses the vocabulary of safety.

The order in question came from a Utah court, entered after one side had been heard and the other had not. This is called ex parte, a Latin phrase which, like many Latin phrases in law, is useful because it makes an alarming fact sound tidy. It means that the state acted after listening to one half of the story. Such orders may sometimes be necessary. A court need not wait politely while a man burns down a house, hides evidence, threatens witnesses, or publishes home addresses to a mob. There is conduct which may be stopped, and rightly stopped.

In this case, some parts of the order belong to that ordinary world. Do not make threats. Do not dox people. Do not trespass. Do not impersonate officials. Do not destroy evidence. No serious defender of liberty needs to defend bomb threats, stalking, or the publication of private family information. Freedom of speech is not a license to terrorize one’s enemies.

The difficulty begins where the order leaves conduct and enters speech.

It forbids future material that is false, misleading, harassing, interfering, defamatory, or unlawful. At first glance this may appear reasonable. Who wishes to defend misleading statements? Who wishes to defend defamation? Yet this is exactly how censorship commonly presents itself. It does not announce that it is afraid of truth. It announces that it is opposed to falsehood. It does not say that criticism must stop. It says that harmful criticism must stop. It does not say that one side must be silenced. It merely creates a fog in which only silence is safe.

The word “misleading” is especially convenient. It is not a fact, like a date or a name. It is a judgment. A statement may be true and still be called misleading because it lacks context, because it gives the wrong impression, because it leaves out the other side’s preferred explanation. A speaker under such an order does not know in advance what is forbidden. He learns it only afterward, when the court decides whether his sentence has crossed an invisible line.

That is not liberty. It is a guessing game played against the state.

The order also required existing publications to be taken down, not after a trial, not after a jury had found that a particular sentence was false, but before such a finding had occurred. Whole videos, whole bodies of reporting, whole lines of public inquiry were to disappear. This is the old crime with the new paperwork: prior restraint.

The phrase has an antique sound, but the thing itself is always modern. Prior restraint means that the state stops speech before it can reach the public, or removes it before the speaker has been judged liable in the ordinary way. It is not punishment after publication. It is prevention. It is the hand over the mouth.

The American rule against such restraint was not invented for pleasant speech. It was made for ugly pamphlets, angry newspapers, reckless accusations, noisy campaigns, and political agitation. If the only speech protected were cautious speech, the First Amendment would be a museum piece. The great danger to liberty does not come when the state silences a polite essay on gardening. It comes when the state silences an attack on a business, a public official, a church, a union, a landlord, a police department, or any other institution capable of making life difficult for its critics.

The Supreme Court has said this many times in many costumes. A scandalous paper cannot be shut down merely because it is scandalous. A pressure campaign against a businessman cannot be enjoined merely because it embarrasses him. A boycott organizer cannot be held responsible for every unlawful act committed by an enraged supporter unless his own words are intended and likely to produce imminent lawless action. The logic is simple. If the worst listener can destroy the rights of the speaker, then any controversial speaker can be silenced by the worst person in his audience.

This is the heckler’s veto, except that the heckler need not even heckle. He may send an anonymous threat. He may behave like a lunatic. Then the person criticized may point to the lunatic and say: see what your words have caused. Silence him.

That theory is poison to public life. It gives every angry crowd and every interested opponent a method. If you cannot answer the accusation, make the accusation dangerous to repeat. If you cannot disprove the reporting, attach it to the behavior of strangers. If a speaker has followers, treat followers as weapons. If one follower commits a crime, treat the speaker as the arm that committed it.

No one should send threats. No one should excuse threats. A person who sends a bomb threat is not engaging in politics, journalism, protest, or satire. He is committing a crime. The proper answer is to find and punish him. The improper answer is to silence a reporter, commentator, or critic because some unknown person responded to his work with criminal stupidity.

This distinction matters because free speech is always defended in bad company. It is defended alongside fools, zealots, cranks, vulgar men, angry men, and men who exaggerate. That is not an accident. Sensible, mild, agreeable speech seldom needs a constitutional shield. The test of the principle comes when the speaker is troublesome and the target is powerful enough to hire lawyers.

There is another feature of the modern system which deserves attention. Speech is no longer suppressed only by sheriffs seizing printing presses. It is suppressed by platforms, payment processors, hosts, and intermediaries who are shown a document bearing a judge’s signature. The court may not directly command every platform on earth. It may not have jurisdiction over every company that carries the disputed speech. Yet the document travels. It is uploaded, forwarded, attached to a takedown request, and placed before some employee whose task is not to defend the First Amendment but to reduce risk.

The cheapest answer is compliance.

This is how censorship works in a bureaucratic age. The state does not always need to knock down the door. It can create a paper object that causes private actors to do the knocking for it. A fundraising page vanishes. A platform reviews a complaint. A creator’s archive becomes radioactive. The order restrains one man, and the fear spreads outward to everyone who handles his words.

This is collateral censorship: censorship by pressure, by uncertainty, by the natural cowardice of institutions that would rather remove ten lawful things than defend one troublesome thing.

The most revealing fact is not merely that the order was issued. It is that silence becomes the only rational advice. A lawyer reading such an order does not tell the client to speak carefully. Careful speech is still speech, and speech can be called misleading. He tells him to say nothing. Not because the court has used the exact words “you may never mention this company,” but because the order makes every mention dangerous.

This is the chilling effect, an expression too mild for the thing it describes. It suggests a breeze. In practice it is a locked room. The speaker sits with a finished work in his hands and does not publish. He does not know whether a sentence will be called defamatory, whether an edit will be called harassment, whether a description will be called interference. The jail is not imaginary. Contempt is the weapon behind the order. A man who disobeys may be fined, jailed, or held until he complies. The law says: challenge the order if you like, but obey it while you challenge it.

This is why prior restraint is more dangerous than ordinary punishment. A criminal law may be challenged after arrest. A defamation suit may be defended after publication. An injunction demands obedience now. Even an unconstitutional injunction can have force until it is dissolved. In plain English: the state may gag you first and sort out your rights later.

A society that accepts this arrangement will not need many censors. It will teach men to censor themselves. It will teach lawyers to advise silence. It will teach platforms to remove first and examine later. It will teach businesses that a lawsuit can be not merely a remedy but a tactic. It will teach judges that temporary orders can reshape public debate before the public knows what happened.

The defenders of such orders will say that reputation must be protected. It must. They will say false statements can destroy a person or a business. They can. They will say mobs are dangerous. They are. These facts do not answer the constitutional question. They are the reason the question exists.

The remedy for defamation is a trial. The remedy for threats is prosecution. The remedy for trespass is enforcement of the law. The remedy for criticism is not an order erasing criticism before any court has found it false.

The First Amendment does not promise that public argument will be clean, fair, or painless. It promises that the state will not decide in advance which side may speak. It promises that truth is not to be presumed by the party who reaches the courthouse first. It promises that a speaker is not to be gagged because his enemies have learned to recite the proper adjectives.

False. Misleading. Harassing. Interfering. Defamatory. Unlawful.

There is the modern censor’s vocabulary. It is not always dishonest. Sometimes it names real wrongs. That is what makes it useful. A good censor does not need to invent a new language. He needs only to stretch the old one until every dangerous sentence fits inside it.

The question raised by this case is therefore larger than one YouTuber, one franchise company, or one collection of disputed property. The question is whether public controversy may be halted by a temporary order issued after one side speaks and before the other answers. If the answer is yes, then the right to publish belongs not to the citizen but to the timetable of the court. It exists until a plaintiff persuades a judge that speech has become too unruly to tolerate.

That is not a free press. It is a licensed press with occasional permission to bark.

The proper course is not difficult to state. Keep the restrictions on conduct. Enforce the law against threats. Protect homes, families, witnesses, and evidence. Then remove the restraints on speech. Let the videos be judged by the public and, if necessary, by a jury. If particular statements are false and defamatory, prove it in court. Name the sentences. Present the evidence. Accept the burden.

A free country does not erase a man’s reporting first and ask whether it was false afterward.

The old principle remains sound because human nature has not improved. Men with power still dislike being accused. Institutions still prefer quiet. Courts still possess the terrible ability to turn one side’s story into an official command. The temptation to silence is permanent. That is why the rule against prior restraint must be permanent as well.

When a man says he cannot publish because he may go to jail, the public should not look away merely because the gag is printed on legal paper. The paper is part of the story. The silence is part of the story. The fear is part of the story.

"Upvoting content...is also considered a violation"

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John Schneider, get lost!

These bogus posts on the Facebook links to my blog - befouling the space meant for sensible discourse - are really starting to piss me off.

Obviously these self-promotions, composed in perfect AI, are not coming directly from that other John Schneider; they're coming from a bot taking orders from an algorithm created to drive this John Schneider up a wall.

Apparently every time the name shows up online, this bot regurgitates its boilerplate reply.

You may have seen them:

"Thanks for your love, encouragement and support towards me and my career. kindly send me a direct message if you wish to say Hi" -John Schneider

Mr John Schneider finally created a private page recently so express your true feelings for him by sending him a direct message on Telegram application through the link 👇🏻 You might be lucky to get a response back from him just like I did. - John Schneider

I delete the comments and "report" them (whatever that means), but the moles keep rising from the muck. At first they were merely annoying, but now I'm beginning to suspect the fake posts may be discouraging legitimate comment.