#abolition

One our greatest living revolutionaries, Assata Shakur, has transitioned to the ancestors. On September 25, 2025, passed away in Havana, Cuba, where she had lived in exile since at least 1984. Beginning her activism in college, Shakur was a foundational member of both the Black Panther Party and Black Liberation Army, where she honed both her revolutionary theory and practice. Targeted constantly by the state, Assata was arrested in 1973 after she and several other BLA members were attacked by state troopers on the New Jersey Turnpike. She and her comrades were injured in the attack, and a state trooper was killed when BLA members returned fire in self defense. Shakur was wrongfully convicted of murder in 1977, but this did not stop her work. She continued to organize as a political prisoner, and she was broken out of jail in 1979 by fellow BLA members and the May 19 Communist Organization. During her years on the run, she was placed on the FBI’s Most Wanted List, where she remained until her death. In 1984, Cuba granted her formal political asylum and refused to extradite her, despite relentless pressure from the United States, including a $1,000,000 reward. In 1987, she published her seminal work, Assata: An Autobiography. This work is a foundational text for anyone committed to destroying Western Imperialism and colonialism. In it, she wrote the following words, which have become a rally cry echoed throughout worldwide struggles for freedom.

“It is our duty to fight for our freedom. It is our duty to win. We must love each other and support each other. We have nothing to lose but our chains.”

there has never been a time in the history of psychiatry where "strenuously objecting to one's own mistreatment at the hands of authority figures" was not a diagnostic criteria for at least one disorder. read that again.

and it gives me an undefinable emotion watching them attempt to muddle through like, the very basics of abolition advocacy for the first time and being confronted with having to address all the same willful misunderstandings about it that they themselves still repeat when it comes to police and military.

no, training will not help, because the violence is the purpose of their position. training just makes the violence more effective.

no, it cannot be reformed. hiring standards and qualifications and background checks do not meaningfully do anything because again the violence and enforcement of oppression is the purpose

no, diversifying the people who make up the force will not meaningfully do anything because again the violence and enforcement of oppression is the purpose

no, body cams and related tools are not used for "accountability" they are just used for surveillance of targeted populations that can be combed through to justify violence and to create snuff propaganda for supporters to circulate. calls for technology-as-accountability are always used to inflate their budget and expand the violence.

yes, it is possible to exist without this. it didn't always exist. it is a historically recent structure and it can be dismantled.

Here is an example;

In the Civil Rights struggle, getting arrested en mass was seen as an important part of the process of freedom. The civil rights leaders realized that the areas they were in did not have large enough jails to confine them all, and that if they filled the jails up, the police simply could not confine everyone else in the movement. Getting arrested in coordinated ways was a noble and helpful sacrifice that kept your brothers and sisters from getting arrested. Due to less strict sentencing at the time, and the ability of the movement to scare the police into releasing people, getting arrested often wasn’t the utterly disabling and free-life ending process it is today. (That’s not to say getting arrested was easy on people; the police brutality of the time was incredibly intense.)

Those who spent time in jail were given almost a reverent status. That had gone through much suffering to keep others from the same fate. Often, their ability to taking confinement completely off the table for the rest of the activists is precisely what allowed for certain other actions to be successful. Paying for legal defense and moderate bail costs was something of a drain on the movements scant, resources but it could often be worth it due to the role arrests played.

However, the state responded to this, and turned it to their benefit. The next fifty years saw a prison boom. Now, economically deprived small towns were made to bid and beg for prisons to be built in there areas; not only to lock people up, but also because working at the prison was presented as one of the only jobs left in rural America. Additionally, thisdrove the labor minded population to be further in conflict with other movements in some areas.

As the capacity of the government to capture and confine increased, the capacity of the movement to fill up the jails and prevent further arrests did not. Now, the system was hungry for more and more bodies for its endless rooms. It further instilled and mechanized the capacity of prisons to force labor, undercutting labor movements. Sentences became longer, parole became stricter, fines and restitutions increased to exorbitant amounts. Those who went in for petty arrests often never came out.

But, the feeling that getting arrested was a noble and venerable goal did not leave the movement. Some transitioned tactics; instead of filling up the jails to allow others to act without recourse, they sought to get arrested in test cases, as they had seen work occasionally before. But this too became more and more difficult, as the legal system realized it did not have to play by its own rules. Slowly but surely, the legal mythology that because it is written and because it is fair, it will be ruled so, began to overtake the minds of activists; even as they failed time and time again to win this way, they still threw countless of their friends into the mouth of the enemy, and condemned them to life in prison.

Even this had become a shadow of itself by the 2000s and 2010s. Arrest became an aesthetic goal instead of a practical one. The most radical in the movements were culturally encouraged to throw their lives away for petty protests that none would see, and would have no material impact on the operations of the system of dominion. The reality that getting kettled at a non violent protest could land you with the same jail time as a political assassination did not dawn upon these activists until long after hey were already in jail, and already disconnected from the movement. Their friends would gather all their meager savings towards bail funds, oftentimes going into debt, or otherwise extracting money from the rest of the marginalized communities supportive of the activism. Those funds would then go to the government in the form of bail, and then right back towards operating the same policing systems that targeted them. In this way, the main economic output of the leftists movement of the time was to fund the very systems of policing that they sought to destroy; and to get themselves and each other locked in cages in the process. Instead of developing practical systems of change, radicals were taught to emulate key aspects of the tactics of prior generations that had specifically been recuperated into the goals of the state.

Those who saw the futility in this were readily pushed towards the defanged and self acknowledged pointless marches of the nonviolent liberal movement, which never had any goal other than to once again emulate the visual aesthetics and personal emotional fulfillment of past movements.

We see this pattern play out all the time. People insisting on the radical importance of a leftist print newspaper in a time when print journalism is dead. A fetishization of industrial unionism in a town where no factory has been for three generations. Arguments over whether to support long defunct governments and long dead leaders for some tactical benefit which will never arise from reality.

It is long past time for us to realize that the process of achieving human liberation does not come from symbolic actions, nor from following the playbook of past movements. We must learn our history, yes, but not to emulate it; instead we must learn it to understand its failures and its successes, and, most importantly, how our movement ancestors interacted with the material conditions of their time to create multifaceted plans that met the needs of their people and made successful guerrilla war upon dominion.

while the work of envisioning society without police is worthwhile, it is not necessary that each of us have it at the tip of our tongues, it is easy enough to say "not this."

because, after all, the goal is not to, as individuals or some vanguard, have the answers, the goal is to solve these problems and build new societies as a society, collectively, we offer processes, not answers.

the answers, we'll figure them out together, for now, abolish the police, we are not safer for having an armed gang that enacts racist violence with impunity.