mostly a personal archive. fully tumblr activity i dont want people to see (if i ever exchanged tumblrs with someone who posts often i'm probably following u on my alt because i like keeping my dash slow o7)
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in the way 18th century wigs and petticoats look weird to the unadjusted modern eye i wonder if the reason expressions in paintings of every movement in that era look so strange and unrealistic is because we're so used to squashing and stretching any exaggerated expression beyond human muscle flexibility and a strong expression within it is either too weak or unfamiliar to the modern facial repertoire
reddy you can't be saying this shit after quoting on ne peut point regner innocement this is just not how the jacobins thought of the regicide question
i wonder if the oppositioning of the "jacobin vs gironde" (a faulty thing to call the montagne anyway, since both of them include jacobins) faction in undergrad/grade school education as a question of radical vs moderate is done to make the gironde look more correct?
because the gironde isn't the moderate faction by the time these two groups are in opposition. it's the marais (which one could argue composed half of the csp????). the gironde is "moderate" only in a scale historically removed from how people in 92 and 93 would have seen the debate -- the gironde is the right in a conversation where the ultras are not included.
meanwhile moderacy at least to the average student is a generally positive thing to do? it's equated with nuance and being careful about each policy and decision rather than just being its own set of opinions which are often not even backed by principle. the gironde isn't a faction whose policy (lol) is about playing the montagne's advisor and i think it should be considered its own thing which does historically end up placing itself between the regicide and the royalist
why does carnot have some 400 pages of correspondence of JUST the first ~half of 1793. and if these are the ones that have been preserved and collected how much more did he write. is he the texter
also de vaudreuil keeps texting the comte d'artois and the website which has transcriptions of them i think only has the ones de vaudreuil sent so it looks like he's just gossiping to d'artois who's donowalling him. alternatively it feels like they're having tea calmly over in rome while chatting about how evil the national assembly is, birds are chirping, the day is sunny, and then smash cut back to france which is on fire. rinse and repeat every half a season or so.
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why does carnot have some 400 pages of correspondence of JUST the first ~half of 1793. and if these are the ones that have been preserved and collected how much more did he write. is he the texter
4 is the death number so today's AU is an Evil Poetry Smash in which they are Boring and Normal. Anti-Prouvaire is bored of life and wearing period-appropriate clothing, and Anti-Bahorel is… a law professor???
Image protected with Glaze from the University of Chicago
On March 9 1794, a provincial Revolutionary Tribunal was established in Arras, to run under the authority of representative on mission Joseph Lebon, a former priest of the town who in 1792 had taken off the cassock to instead turn fully to politics. This tribunal was the only one exempted when the Convention a month later, 16 April 1794, passed the decree of 27 Germinal, which otherwise ruled that all future counter-revolutionary suspects were to be sent to and tried in Paris. Instead, the Committee of Public Safety gave Lebon permission to keep the tribunal running and even ordered him to set up a second one in Cambrai. Together, the two tribunals came to judge almost 700 people from the entire department of Pas-de-Calais, and about 70% were sentenced to death (see this and this post for a detailed summary of all the sentences).
Lebon’s activities were however not without opponents. In the forefront stood Armand Joseph Guffroy, him too a Convention deputy from Arras, who later detailed his efforts in the pamphlet Les Secrets de Joseph Lebon et de ses complices, released a few months after thermidor. Guffroy, who just earlier that year had embraced the most extreme revolutionary violence in his journal Roygyff (examples can be seen here), does not seem to have been mainly affected by the massive bloodletting in itself as much as by the fact Lebon on April 19 1794 had ordered the arrest of three prominent members of the Arras Revolutionary Tribunal — the public prosecutor Henri Joseph Démuliez, the president of the tribunal Norbert Beugniet, and the jury member Gabriel Leblond. In the following days, the three were joined by Leblond’s brother Joseph Leblond, as well as by another jury member named Danten. Nevertheless, Guffroy was able to find supporters both in Augustin and Charlotte Robespierre, Antoine and Charlotte Buissart and relatives of the five arrested public officials.
But Lebon was not without allies either, among them Arras’ new public prosecutor Augustin Darthé, Cambrai’s Revolutionary tribunal president Stanislas Daillet and representatives on mission Philippe Lebas and Ernest Duquesnoy. Between April and July these two groups fought over the fate of the five arrested public officials, trying to gain the trust of the CPS, and, in particular, Robespierre. If we look at the conflict from his POV which is clearly the most important part of this situation in particular, it’s easy to imagine it provided him with some worry, since it would appear he had personal connections to people on both sides of it: Daillet and Darthé both show up on a list of ”patriots with more or less talent” he had written in private (and the former, if Guffroy is to be believed, was also such a close personal friend he was the only one Robespierre trusted to properly tie his cravat), while the Buissart couple seemed to have functioned a bit like substitute parents for him and his siblings. Philippe Lebas was a trusted ally and friend who on 9 Thermidor would ask to share his fate, the arrested Gabriel Leblond had in 1791 named his newborn son after him, and on November 9 1793 Robespierre had openly defended Duquesnoy before the entire Convention. As for the two main opponents Guffroy and Lebon, Robespierre had known them both since several years back. He had corresponded with Lebon since at least 1791 (letters dated 3 June 1791, 15 August 1792 and 28 August 28 1792) and Lebon had also helped Augustin Robespierre get elected to the Convention. The relationship with Guffroy ran even further back, to when the two had worked as lawyers before the revolution, and Guffroy had too under the early years of the revolution kept Robespierre updated on the political development his hometown. Their relationship had however started to sour already around a year before the start of this episode, when Guffroy had tried to stop the marriage between Philippe Lebas and Élisabeth Duplay (as revealed both by Guffroy himself and Élisabeth in her memoirs). Élisabeth writes he did so by falsely telling Philippe she had had lovers so that he would marry Guffroy’s own (already pregnant) daughter instead, and that both of the Robespierre brothers held him in ”great contempt.” Furthermore, on March 3 1794 Guffroy had gotten expelled from the jacobins after his journal was denounced as counter-revolutionary, and, most serious of all, halfway through June 1794 it would appear like he secretly joined a group of fellow Convention deputies that behind the scene was plotting to Julius Caesar Robespierre…
So hey, if anyone wants an original idea for an angst fic, here you go!
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16 April — the Convention passes the decree of 27 Germinal, which among other things proclaims that from now on, all people suspected of conspiracy shall be tried in Paris. (decree cited in Gazette Nationale ou le Moniteur universel, number 198 (April 17 1794), page 845)
18 April — Stanislas Daillet writes a letter to Robespierre in which he calls the decree of 27 Germinal ”very wise,” but asks that the Arras tribunal be exempted from it. The reason for this, he argues, is that they have local knowledge of all the ”aristocrats” in the city, knowledge that would escape a parisian jury. Daillet assures Robespierre that ”we show no mercy to anyone; we strike with certainty, because we know the morality of each individual.”
19 April — the Committee of Public Safety authors the following decree, declaring that the city of Arras shall be excluded from the decree of 27 germinal:
The Committee of Public Safety, instructed by the representative Lebon of the circumstances that makes a tribunal in Arras necessary to repress conspiracy, decides that said tribunal will continue to exercise its functions.
Billaud-Varennes, C-A Prieur, Robespierre.
19 April — in Arras, Lebon issues a decree ordering the arrest of Beugniet, president of the city’s revolutionary tribunal, Gabriel Leblond, jury member, Démuliez, public prosecutor, as well as Démuliez’s substitute Peltier, all ”suspected of plotting to wrest the aristocrats from the sword of the law.” The decree also orders for the city’s surveillance committee (which Leblond was the leader of) to be suspended from its functions and for its members to be examined. The same day, one of said members writes a letter to Guffroy stating: ”My friend, quick, save my country and yours, have me sent to Paris: I’m maybe going to die. They are arresting the patriots… the entire Committee is suspended...” Soon thereafter, he flees from Arras to Paris.
When Lebon the following year sets out to explain his conduct during ”the terror,” he claims that Démuliez and Leblond ”had for over a year been accused of succumbing to corruption and malfeasance in office,” but that what determined him to finally act against them and Béugniet was the fact that they on April 14 had acquitted an accused that Lebon thought deserved death, and then on April 18 and 19 ”together with various members of the Committee of Surveillance and several other individuals, sought to incite a reaction by in coffeehouses and public squares criticizing and railing against the severity of revolutionary measures.” (Deuxième interrogatoire du représentant Joseph Lebon (1795), page 3, Joseph Lebon à la Convention nationale: lettres justificatives n. 4 (1795) page 9)
21 April — Joseph Leblond, adjutant general and brother of the jury member Gabriel Leblond, writes a letter to Guffroy with the following message regarding Arras: "I hasten to inform you, Republican, that the patriots of 89 in this commune are oppressed; Lebon is losing his way; his surroundings, composed of men who want to rule, are making him do foolish things." The very same day, Leblond gets arrested in the village Brebières after having been overheard calling Lebon ”rascal, scoundrel, rogue, villain, supporter of Hébert.” (decree cited in La terreur dans le Pas-de-Calais et dans le Nord, volume 2, page 13).
22 April — Lebon writes a letter to the Committee of Public Safety, beginning with informing them that the decision to keep Arras’ revolutionary tribunal running has been a ”thunderbolt [striking] intrigue, moderation and aristocracy.” He reports that, upon reading aloud the letter announcing these news, ”a thousand cries of rejoicing rise up, and patriotism takes on a new form” and that seven people have since been sentenced to death and one acquitted. Lebon then announces the arrest of Gabriel Leblond, Beugniet and Démuliez, writing that they three days earlier ”compromised themselves by shamelessly influencing the absolution of a counter-revolutionary lawyer” and ”indulged in remarks unworthy in the mouth of a simple citizen, atrocious in that of public officials.” Since then, ”to the great satisfaction of the people,” they have been imprisoned and replaced with men ”who feel no need to smash the scaffolds.” In a PS note he informs them of the arrest of Joseph Leblond as well, and writes he shall be sent to Paris to appear before the Revolutionary Tribunal.
25 April — one ”Bruslé, employed by citizen Richard” who has just passed through Arras, writes a letter to Charlotte Robespierre painting a picture over the current situation in the city as she seemingly has asked him to do:
While the horses were being changed I fulfilled your commission. What has been said of your country is true; in six weeks 150 people have been guillotined and about 3000 imprisoned. […] I don’t doubt that there existed in Arras counter-revolutionaires and fanatics, but terror must weigh on them only and the patriot be able to rest on the impassivity of the judges and the freedom of debate and opinion. I’ll spare you the other details that are too atrocious to be believed when one has not been an eyewitness.
Bruslé also informs Charlotte about the arrest of Démuliez and the closing of the surveillance committee, and that the citizens were disappointed to hear the news that the decree of 27 Germinal is not going to be applied to Arras. He also reveals citizens have gone to look for ”a friend of your brother” (probably Antoine Buissart) telling him that him alone can make the truth about Arras known since Robespierre trusts him. To that, Buissart would have replied: ”how could I write, when each evening they go through the letters before sending them off?”
4 May — Lebon authors a decree ordering the arrest of Danten, a member of both the Arras tribunal jury and surveillance committee, ”considering his intimate liasons with the protectors of the aristocrat Démuliez and others, his even closer ties with the émigré Saint-Rémy, the fact he since a long time back left the society of 1793, and only suddenly reappeared to support the aristocratic operations of a corrupt surveillance committee” (decree cited in La terreur dans le Pas-de-Calais et dans le Nord, volume 2, page 142-143). The very same day, Danten gets arrested and put in the Abbatiale prison in Arras.
6 May — Démuliez, Beugniet and the two Leblond brothers arrive in Paris, and head over to the Committee of General Security in the company of Guffroy. Committee member Élie Lacoste shows his surprise over the fact they have been arrested, considering he has witnessed their civism with his own eyes during a mission. Nevertheless, seeing as the committee doesn’t know the details regarding this particular case, the four are then escorted to the Madelonnettes prison (Les secrets de Joseph Lebon et de ses complices, page 72, prison registry cited in Feuille de la République, number 311 (10 May 1794), page 4).
6 May — Antoine Buissart writes a letter from Arras to Guffroy letting him know he’s already written multiple times to Robespierre and Carnot and for the past four months tried to get the former to ”remove from all administrations and even from the Convention, everything that had once been attached to the frock and the tonsure.” At this point in Arras, all letters are however gone through by the authorities before getting sent off, so Buissart is afraid his have never reached their destination.
7 May — Buissart writes yet another letter from Arras to Guffroy informing him he’s going to write to Robespierre: ”But will he react? Will he leave this state of torpor where he is for his country and and especially for the city where he was born? I intend to write to him from day to day, he will be so spurred on that he gets active, leaves his superb speeches and perhaps thinks about us...” The letter also confirms Charlotte Robespierre’s interest in Arras’ situation: ”we salute the citoyenne Robespierre, my wife has just received her letter. Tell her as soon as possible that I will immediately give her the clarifications she asks for.” Buissart ends by asking Guffroy to hand his letter to Carnot.
7 May — Guffroy writes a letter to Robespierre, after having been unable to meet him both at the Committee of Public Safety and at his house. The letter is filled with grave accusations against Lebon, Guffroy writing only an ”extravagant despot” or ”vapid tyrant” can act the way he currently does in Arras, a city that at the moment is ”filled with mourning” and where no one dares to speak or write freely. Lebon is preaching both atheism and the absolute sharing of property, to the extent that one hears citizens openly state: ”We can do whatever we want, there is no God.” His attachment to the Oratory has led to him giving six or seven Oratorians important posts, even having made a former Capuchin friar public prosecutor. Lebon also threatens and dismisses jury members that don’t vote for the punishment ”that he himself has decided upon” and then he has ”the ferocity” to watch the executions from the theater balcony and have Ça ira played while people are getting guillotined. Guffroy concludes that Lebon is either ”atrociously cruel and punishable, or horribly insane.” He hopes for the latter alternative, underlining that Lebon was considered ”insane” and ”mad with fanaticism” back when he was an Oratorian, and that both of his parents are insane as well, the mother even being locked up as such at the moment. Guffroy also takes up the cudgets for the four ”patriots” — ”If, as I believe, justice is the order of the day in your heart, you won’t do anything today before having secured the oppressed patriotism of Démuliez, Beugnet and the two Leblonds, that Lebon persecute with a guilty achernement for having displayed a just opinion contrary to his own.” Guffroy claims that if they hadn’t been in Paris they would have already been guillotined at this point. He demands Robespierre receive Démuliez for him to explain himself, as he had apparently already promised him, and that the Committee of Public Safety must immediately also charge the Committee of General Security with temporarily setting all four patriots free so that they can hand over a declaration they’ve written. Finally, Guffroy begs Robespierre to ”in the name of the homeland” recall Lebon and replace him with someone else. Had Augustin Robespierre not been away with the army he would have been the best alternative, but for the moment he instead suggests sending ”Florent Guyot with Bollet” to check up all the information contained both in this letter and in notes he has previously given Collot d’Herbois. He also suggests sending Delbrel, Élie Lacoste and Peyssart to Arras with the four patriots’ declaration, and if said declaration, ”AS I’M SURE, is exact” Lebon can be recalled. After having recalled Lebon he also proposes sending Buissard, Delleville, Milhaud, Danten, Lefebvre Roche and Durut in his place.
7 May — Guffroy writes yet another letter to Robespierre, this time telling him that he tomorrow at the latest must let out the four ”patriots” from the Madelonnettes prison so that they can tell him what’s going on in Arras. He repeats the claim that Lebon was once locked up as a madman and has since then made himself a ”fanatic patriot through avarice” as a substitute for being a ”superstitious fanatic,” that he makes patriotism hated through his ”atrocious conduct,” that he watches the executions while listening to Ça ira, that he is an atheist and that Robespierre must revoke the decree from April 19 ”which, after the false report from Joseph Lebon, authorizes the tribunal of Arras, that is to say, Lebon only, to continue to judge conspirators.” He also shows some frustration over the recipient’s silence — ”Respond to me then at last, this is the fourth time I’ve written to you. I’m your colleague, I have the rights to your friendship.” — and warns him that he’s going to tell the Convention about Lebon the next day if something isn’t done.
7 May — Lebon writes a letter to Saint-Just and Lebas revealing he arrived in Cambrai yesterday evening together with ”twenty brave men I brought with me.” He now hopes to ”do good in Cambrai, and inspire civic terror here.” This very day, he is going to assemble and speak ”the language of truth and reason” to the people, after which the Revolutionary tribunal is going to enter into activity and ”do justice to all the traitors.”
8 May — Lebon writes a letter to Saint-Just and Lebas from Cambrai, announcing that he’s held a speech against ”fanaticism” which has had intended effect — ”The room was packed, and I think they left furious with the old peddlers of deception.” He also reveals that the sans-culottes are gaining courage and feeling supported, while denunciations are beginning to get heard and lead to new arrests. The same day Lebon also writes a letter to Duquesnoy, telling him that he has come to Cambrai ”at the request of Saint-Just and Lebas” while ”the guillotine continues to be used with all its force in Arras.” He announces that before leaving Arras, he had Démuliez, Beugniet and Gabriel and Joseph Leblond temporarily transferred to a Paris prison, the first four for ”maneuvering in favor of the aristocracy,” the latter ”for having called me a scoundrel in a rural commune and for having attempted to incite an uprising.”
10 May — the revolutionary tribunal in Cambrai enters into force.
11 May — Lebon writes a letter to the Committee of Public Safety announcing that he’s been in Cambrai since five days back with a section of the Arras tribunal, ”and this through the orders of Saint-Just and Lebas,” who will be able to report on his conduct.
12 May — Lebon writes a letter to Saint-Just and Lebas from Cambrai, announcing that ”the machine is in full swing,” with the aristocracy ”trembling” and the sans-culottes ”raising their so long humiliated heads.” He also announces the conduct of all officials will be scrupulously examined, and a ”fight to the death” launched against spies. Thirteen people have been sentenced to death over the past two days — three spies, five ”former Frenchmen that had become Austrian aldermen,” a former prosecutor, a rich devout woman, a millionaire banker, a marquess and a brigadier general who abandoned his post — and ”Messieurs relatives and friends of emigrants and refractory priests are monopolizing the guillotine.”
14 May — Robespierre, on behalf of the Committee of Public Safety, writes the following letter telling Lebon to make a short trip to Paris:
Dear colleague,
The Committee of Public Safety needs to confer with you on important objects, it does justice to the energy with which you have suppressed the enemies of the revolution, and the result of our conference will be to direct it in an even more useful way. Come as soon as possible, to return promptly to the post where you currently are.
Barère, Billaud-Varennes, Couthon, C-A Prieur, Carnot, Robespierre.
15 May — Charlotte Buissart writes a letter to Robespierre from Arras begging him to intervene in their current situation: ”Allow an old friend to address to you a weak and light picture of the evils which have overwhelmed the homeland. You advocate virtue; for six months we have been persecuted, governed by all vices; all kinds of seduction are used to mislead the people. Contempt for virtuous men; outrages against nature, justice, reason, divinity; the lure of riches, thirst for the blood of one's brothers. If my letter reaches you, I will regard it as a favor from heaven. Our evils are very great, but our fate is in your hands; all virtuous souls cry out to you. Our deliverance or death, that is the general cry.” Antoine Buissart references this letter in an undated one it too addressed to Robespierre: ”My wife, outraged by your silence, has wanted to write to you and speak to you about the position where we find ourselves. As for me, I have finally decided not to tell you more. It’s been more than four months of me not ceasing to warn you. Will I represent to you what I have already told you one hundred times?”
15 May — the administrators of Arras send Lebon a letter alerting him that Guffroy has just released a ”diabolical memorandum” against him (said memorandum can be seen here). ”In this memorandum, all your actions since five months back are distorted, made counter-revolutionary, they incite the people to resist oppression, because you are portrayed there as a tyrant, all your words are reported, blackened, perverted; you are made guilty of a thousand crimes.” They tell Lebon to travel to Arras immediately to respond to the libel.
16 May — Lebon is back in Paris. We have different accounts over his short stay there. Lebon, when defending himself a year later, claimed the committee called him back to ask him to establish two new revolutionary tribunals, one in Saint-Quentin, the other in Guise. To that, he did however reply that he ”[didn’t] know enough honest and dedicated men for these delicate and rigorous duties.” (statement cited in La terreur dans le Pas-de-Calais et dans le Nord (1864), volume 2, page 161). In a letter written May 19, Darthé reports that ”the Committee of Public Safety gave [Lebon] all the justice he deserved, and his slanderers were covered with the contempt and opprobrium that their infamous conduct has long brought upon them,” that the committee told him that ”it hoped we would get better and better every day,” while Robespierre personally stated he ”would like each of us to be able to form a tribunal on our own and each seize a border town.” Guffroy for his part writes Lebon stayed in Paris for only 24 hours, and that he spoke to both the Committee of Public Safety as a whole, Saint-Just and Lebas (this can hardly be true given the fact they were with the Army of the North at the time) and Robespierre personally, whom he treated ”very diligently.” Guffroy also claims Charlotte Robespierre confronted Lebon during this visit and ”reproached him for his cruelty.” Lebon did however deny it and under pretext of proving it he brought Charlotte with him when he shortly thereafter set out for Cambrai again. (Les secrets de Joseph Lebon et de ses complices, page 180). To this last allegation can be added an undated letter from Augustin to Maximilien Robespierre, telling him they need to send Charlotte to Arras since she is caluminating the two, and the memoirs of Maurice Gaillard which they too record Charlotte to in May 1794 have ”named [for Gaillard] with great bitterness the prodigious number of very honest people dragged to the scaffold by Joseph Lebon.” Gaillard claims Charlotte willingly travelled to Arras in order to ”collect evidence of the massacres,” but that Maximilien ”devoted mortal hatred” to her because of it.
17 May — Lebas, having received a letter from Darthé about Lebon being in Paris, writes a letter to Robespierre telling him to quickly send him back. He praises Lebon ”who has done, and continues to do, a great deal of good, and who is worth a garrison in Cambrai” and writes: ”It seems like Guffroy’s made a lot of effort to belittle him, but I am far from thinking that it influenced the opinion of the committee.”
18 May — Lebon orders for the wives and children of Démuliez, Beugniet and Leblond to be imprisoned.
19 May — Darthé writes a letter to Lebas from Cambrai informing him that Lebon came back there in the evening the 17th with Charlotte Robespierre and a letter from Élisabeth Lebas by his side. Having explained that Lebon was ”rendered all the justice he deserved” by the Committee of Public Safety, he aims some cold words at Guffroy, arguing that all he’s said is a lie:
Guffroy had written a memorandum against him, the most virulent and pitiful that could be fabricated. They wanted to make us out to be murderers, reeking with innocent blood; they hoped to have us mounted on the scaffold that has long awaited them. It was not us, specifically, that they wanted to strike; it was the homeland. They saw with pain the conspirators crushed, the unfortunates relieved, the public spirit rising daily, consequently preparing a future of success for our brave armies in this beautiful campaign: their abominable plots are foiled.
Darthé argues that if it wasn’t for political reasons, Guffroy would have already been indicted. He then informs Lebas that Démuliez, Beugniet and the Leblond brothers ”will be delivered to the revolutionary tribunal of Paris.”
19 May — Guffroy writes the following letter to Robespierre concerning Arras and Lebon:
Yesterday you told the Jacobins that in wanting to make virtues reign we did not want to be persecutors. I believe you mean what you say. Why then do you protect the persecuting priest Joseph Lebon, who killed patriotism in Arras, and who made villainy and crime reign there? Have a commission of three members appointed quickly, otherwise you will be complicit in the atrocities of this horrible man, who is deceiving you and making the revolution hated by persecuting patriots. Hébert did no more harm than him. Robespierre, you must know my truth, you must believe in it; I’ve never lied to patriotism. Yes, the ills of our fellow citizens of this country will weigh on your heart. It is only politics that still prevents me from giving publicity to Lebon's conduct; but soon politics will make it my duty to print it.
23 May — in Arras, Solon, an ally of Guffroy, writes a letter to a friend explaining that, during a recent session at the local ”so-called republican society”, in the presence of Charlotte Robespierre, Guffroy got covered with sarcasms.
24 May — Lebon is back in Arras and writes a letter to Duquesnoy stating that "the machine is still running smoothly here […] and I tell you that we will ensure the triumph of liberty in these lands or we will perish to the last man." According to Guffroy, soon after his arrival Lebon also went to the Temple of Reason of the city in order to refute what he had written about him and also communicate a letter from Duquesnoy stating: ”I was having dinner with Robespierre when he received your letter, we laughed. Go on, and don’t worry about a thing. The guillotine must go faster than ever.” (Les Secrets de Joseph Lebon (1795), page 107-108)
24 May — Guffroy, together with fellow Convention deputies Lecointre, Fréron, Tallien, Barras, Rovère, Thirion, Courtois and Garnier de l’Aube form a group plotting to stab Robespierre to death in the middle of the Convention. This is revealed by Lecointre in the fittingly named pamphlet Conjuration formée dès le 5 préréal [sic] par neuf représentans du peuple contre Maximilien Robespierre, pour le poignarder en plein sénat, released shortly after thermidor.
27 May — in Arras, Solon writes a letter to Guffroy telling him to not remember the fact Lebon ”drew his saber against Citizeness Lefebvre Dupré — against a woman — to slit open her belly.”
27 May — Daillet writes a letter to his, as he calls him, friend Robespierre, showing indignation over the assassination attemps against him and Collot d’Herbois on the 21st and 22st the same month and telling him to take precautions. He then gives a short summary over the atmosphere in Cambrai: ”We are still moving forward with activity; but we are not supported. It seems that all the inhabitants of Cambrai are guilty, since no one dares to denounce another. However, we have just opened the registers of the constituted authorities and of the popular society; we have already found immense riches there, and we will also find, I hope, the names of the royalists and the oppressors of the people.”
28 May — Lebon writes a letter to Robespierre. In light of the two assassination attempts, he begins by calling him out for having come off as too trusting during his last short stay in the capital: ”I saw men come to you imploring you for this and that, and I don't know if, under the circumstances, they could be so easily believed. Beware, my good friend, with the same confidence in 1790 and 1792 you would have been assassinated ten thousand times over.” Lebon then complains that ”the Committee of Public Safety has destroyed me with its multitude of exceptions concerning the nobility,” and asks that they quickly legislate the following:
Any man who demonstrated wit and eloquence under the old regime, any man with more than X of income, shall be arrested immediately as a suspect, if he has not shown himself, since the beginning of the Revolution, to be a constant and incorruptible friend of the people. This enduring friendship is proven by the conduct shown during the great periods of the Revolution, which constitute the splendor of the new regime.
5 June — the Committee of Public Safety authors the following letter to Lebon, letting him know they’ve liberated the Leblond brothers, Beugniet, Démuliez and Danten:
Citizen representative,
Still full of confidence in your energy and your principles, we inform you that we have set free citizens Démeuliez, Danten, Beugniet and the two Leblond brothers, despite the wrongs they may have committed. We have ascertained their intentions and we believe that we have thereby given new friends to the Republic, and to yourself. Continue to do good and do it with the wisdom and dignity that does not give way to the slander of the aristocracy.
Robespierre, Collot d’Herbois, Billaud-Varennes, Saint-Just.
The same day, the committee also authors the following decree, liberating the wives of the ”patriots” as well:
The Committee of Public Safety decrees that Citizen Danten and his wife, and Citizenesses Leblond, Beugniet, and Démuliez, detained in a prison in Arras, shall be released. The national agent of the municipality of Arras shall enforce this decree.
Billaud-Varennes, Collot d'Herbois, Carnot, Couthon, C.-A. Prieur, Barère, Saint-Just, Robespierre, Robert Lindet.
In the pamphlet Censuré républicaine released around a month later, Guffroy writes that it was through ”the efforts and courage” of Démuliez’s daughter, who had fled Arras for Paris to evade arrest, that the ”patriots” were released. In Les secrets de Joseph Lebon… (page 111) he again underlines the efforts of her and other female relatives of those involved, writing ”Leblond’s sister, Démuliez’s daughter, Buissart’s wife, Robespierre’s sister, for whom he was also almost invisible, took all the means to reach him.” He does however then immediately follow this up with claiming it was ultimately Duquesnoy who convinced the committee to release the five ”patriots,” and that Augustin Robespierre was the one who managed to bring the ”patriots” to the committee to get heard. This last part can however hardly be true seeing as Augustin was still away serving as representative on mission at this point.
The ”patriots” also write the following letter to Lebon upon getting released. Again according to Guffroy, this was the CPS’ ultimatum for releasing them, and the letter was written under the dictation of Robespierre:
Citizen,
The Committee of Public Safety, which has a deserved confidence in your energy and zeal for the public good, believed it had fulfilled both the wish of the public interest and yours by putting an end to our detention. The first use we make of our freedom is to assure you of our civic and fraternal feelings. Sure of your principles and the purity of your intentions, far from giving ourselves over to personal animosities towards anyone, you will see us eager to strengthen, as much as it is in our power, the union that must reign among all true patriots, and to second your courage in fighting the conspirators. If we have committed any error, we will repair it by this frank and loyal conduct, to give an example of the virtues that are the foundations of the republic. This is the wish of the Committee of Public Safety, these are our personal feelings, these are yours.
8 June — a disgruntled Lebon writes a letter from Cambrai to Lebas, complaining about the fact the five ”conspirators” have been liberated:
What! Conspirators are being freed by the Committee of Public Safety, because by asking me to come immediately to Cambrai ready to be surrounded, you have forced me to delay information about them! Either I cannot believe it, or all the principles established in the reports of Saint-Just, Robespierre, etc, are destroyed. Listen to Darthé whom I am sending you, and who has orders to remain in Paris until I have passed you all the documents against the second volume of the public prosecutor of Strasbourg and his associates. I must be ten thousand times right in order to not have been massacred yet, after all the maneuvers of these perverts and their worthy supporter Guffroy. Tell the two committees, if they are in a hurry to receive all the denunciations that are being collected each day, that they’re ordering me to leave everything to satisfy their impatience. I had believed, until this moment, that it was better to save Cambrai and this frontier, than to occupy myself in responding to the sacrilegious furies of a Rougiff. Remember that it is essential that the Committee of Public Safety or the Convention either pronounce themselves outloud on my conduct during in my mission, or that they recall me. Salut et fraternité.
12 June — The Committee of Public Safety authors the following decree, revoking its order from a week before:
The Committee of Public Safety, enlightened by the documents which have been placed before it concerning citizens Démuliez, Beugniet and Leblond, draws back the decree which sets them free and charges the representative of the people Lebon to take with regard to them the measures which he deems appropriate.
B. Barère, Carnot, C. A. Prieur, Billaud-Varenne, R. Lindet, Couthon, Robespierre, Collot d'Herbois.
16 June — Lebon writes a letter to Lebas stating: ”There is not a minute to lose, we must arrest Démuliez, Beugniet and Adjutant General Leblond immediately, who are said to be in Paris. There are an infinite number of the most serious denunciations against these scoundrels, you will shudder with horror. The man named Danten, in whose favor Robespierre seemed to me to be biased, has shown his worth by following Démuliez.”
17 June — Gabriel Leblond, who has just come back to Arras, is rearrested and sent to the Baudet prison (prison registry cited in La terreur dans le Pas-de-Calais et dans le Nord… (1864), page 218).
18 June — Guffroy and the newly released Danten run into Collot d’Herbois in the Tuilerie garden. Guffroy complains to Collot about Lebon’s conduct and the fact he has gotten Gabriel Leblond arrested again and is trying to go after Démuliez and the other Leblond as well (he claims he was left unaware of the committee’s order six days earlier revoking the decree setting the ”patriots” free). Collot listens half-heartedly before responding: ”We need memorandums.” Guffroy briskly responds: ”I know very well the way affairs are treated, but for fuck’s sake, I’ve already given memorandums to you, to Robespierre, to Couthon, to the Committee…” Collot walks away as Guffroy rants on. (Les secrets de Joseph Lebon et de ses complices, page 125) Ten o’clock in the evening the same day, Guffroy writes to Collot and Robespierre, having been directed to those two whenever he tried to speak with someone else. In the letter to Collot, he suggests that Lebon putting Gabriel Leblond under arrest once again should be enough to result in him getting recalled immediately and send a commission in his place ”as I have already proposed to you [and] Couthon, in my notes and verbally.” In the letter to Robespierre, Guffroy explains that he went over to the Committee of Public Safety the day before but couldn’t find him, which is why he’ll try to write to him instead. He then once again repeats that ”Lebon's conduct in Arras and elsewhere continues to weigh on the patriots,” lamenting the fact that he at this point has written to Robespierre about the issue four or five times without getting a response. He reminds Robespierre that, in spite of the Committee of Public Safety having set the patriots free, Lebon continues to ”vex” them, and that he’s succeeded in rearresting Gabriel Leblond ”whose child you are godfather to” (this information would appear to be incorrect, Leblond had on the other hand named the child after Robespierre). Guffroy ends by declaring it the duty of both him and Robespierre to ”put an end to this oppressive conduct,” that he’s going to tell the Convention everything and that ”the truth and public happiness” obliges Robespierre to support him. Finally, he lets him know he’s talked to Couthon about the issue this very morning and is going to write to him.
23 June — Joseph Leblond goes to the Convention and asks that his brother be released, affirming that a ”hébertist system” is in control of the Commune of Arras and ”the warmest patriots” have been imprisoned there. He explains how he and ”several other patriots from 1789” were transported to Paris and ”treated with an unprecedented inhumanity on the part of the men surrounding your colleague (Lebon)” before being set free by the Committee of Public Safety, but that Lebon despite this had his brother rearrested ”without there being any new charges against him,” and that he too would meet the same fate if he tried to return to Arras. ”So I throw myself into the arms of the Convention, with this surrender of a truly republican soul, and ask only for the full and complete execution of the decree issued by the Committee of Public Safety on 18 Prairial (the decree setting Leblond and the others free, though it was actually written on 17 Prairial), and the right to have my weapons, my accounting papers, my equipment and my horses returned to me.” Guffroy supports Leblond’s speech before denouncing Lebon in his turn, calling him ”the terror of the patriots of Arras” where ”patriotism is oppressed and in mourning, popular society scattered, shops closed, citizens trembling and fleeing their homes, the local farmer discouraged, the officials chosen by the people replaced by monks, priests and lackeys, blood shed, the prisons overflowing, and the action of the revolutionary government thwarted.” The Convention proposes that the decree from 17 prairial be faithfully executed, that the citizens of Arras and those with knowledge about the political situation in the city within three days write what they know to the two government committes to serve as an examination of Lebon’s conduct, and for the committees to make a report on whether it would be useful to send a commission made up of three people to Arras to examine things. These three proposals are then sent to the Committee of Public Safety to be looked over. (Moniteur universel, number 277 (25 June 1794), page 1130, Journal de la Montagne, number 58, page 474)
24 June — at the jacobins, Couthon regrets the way certain journalists have reported about the speeches held by Joseph Leblond and Guffroy the day before: ”I do not intend to prejudge what Guffroy and his clients wanted to do; their denunciations have been brought to the Committees, and the Convention will judge; but what I want to say is that several newspapers supported with a certain affectation in reporting what had been said against Lebon.” Couthon also doesn’t show himself particularly convinced by what Guffroy has said about Lebon and Arras: ”it appears that Lebon has regenerated the department where he had been on mission, and that he has done the greatest good there.”
26 June — Guffroy writes a letter to the Committee of Public Safety revealing that he, on his return from the Convention that day, received a letter in which they ask for a copy for the speech he made in support of Joseph Leblond's petition. Guffroy writes that he’s already begun copying the speech and that the committee will have it tomorrow. He adds that they in the meantime can go over the different notes he’s handed to Couthon and Collot d’Herbois or just left in the committe’s offices, as well as ”everything that’s been written or said” to Carnot or the committee directly. They can also tell the Committee of General Security to gather all the denunciations and complaints it has obtained against both Lebon and his agents and ask Robespierre (who Guffroy himself can’t find either at home or anywhere else) for the five or six letters he’s written to him. Guffroy writes he’s convinced Robespierre must have already gathered together everything Buissart and other patriots from Arras have written to him and taken note of everything Buissart’s wife and son, Charlotte Robespierre and ”the patriots that have managed to reach him” have told him about the subject.
28 June — a deputation from ”the republican, revolutionary, regenerated popular society of Cambrai” presents itself before the Convention to demand that Lebon be kept as the city’s representative on mission: ”No sooner had Joseph Lebon arrived than the enemies withdrew; monarchists, traitors, and known aristocrats were imprisoned, enemies of every kind were delivered to the sword of the law, and oppressed patriots were restored to liberty. He protects and honors the elderly, the destitute, and the unfortunate; he practices all the virtues you have put on the agenda, and makes them practiced and cherished.” The petition, which is covered with ”a huge number of signatures,” is sent to the Committee of Public Safety. (Moniteur universel, number 281 (June 29 1794) page 1146).
28 June — Antoine Buissart writes a letter to Robespierre, beginning by reproaching him for his silence: ”it’s been a month since I last wrote to you, and it seems to me, Maximilien, like you sleep and let the patriots be slaughtered.” He writes that Guffroy’s recent ”alarm” has put the schemers, made up entirely of ”priests and servants” into action, and throws shade on a petition that has just been signed in Arras to asservate Lebon and is to be presented to the Convention, writing that while ”all good citizens” were encouraged to publically sign it, ”cunning and treachery” were employed, and that those who didn’t sign got told that they would pay for it dearly later. Commissioners also made sure to write down all signatories on a seperate list, making it easy to see who had ”the courage not to sign.” Buissart reveals that he belongs to this group ”because I have made it my duty never to sign anything against the truth and the salvation of the public good, whatever terror a guillotine at the disposal of priests might inspire.” He points out that the commune of Arras houses 20 000 inhabitants, while the petition has been signed by only 3000 people, of which he insists one must subtract those who have been sold off for three months (which he judges to be around half of them), as well as those of women and those of boys aged 12-15. Buissart therefore urges Robespierre not to trust the petition, adding that one of the two commissioners who have been sent to deliver it to the Convention is an administrator by the name of Carlier, who since a month back has ”much injured” both him, his wife and Charlotte Robespierre: ”you must know that since then, I am a conspirator in the eyes of this famous Carlier, and my wife and your sister are two schemers. Should such infamies ever be uttered publicly if the people hadn't been corrupted beforehand?” Buissart then once again asks Robespierre to help them out: ”grant nothing to friendship, but everything to justice! Do not see me, see only the public good, and perhaps yourself, since you defend it so well.” He announces that this letter will be handed to Robespierre by his wife (who at that point is in Paris or just about to go there), ”because I don’t have the greatest confidence in your secretary, and the same goes for many other people that surround you.” Finally, he ends by asking when Augustin Robespierre is coming to Arras: ”when will Bonbon come, so desired, him alone can calm the evils that sadden our homeland.”
29 June — the petition from Arras Buissart spoke of in the letter from the day before shows up at the Convention. The two commissioners presenting it — Planés and Carlier — object to the way their town has been displayed and argues that it ”far from being a hotbed of intrigue, remains a haven of republican virtues, and all its citizens are in step with the revolutionary cause.” Before the Convention orders for the petition and petitioners to be sent to the Committee of General Security, Guffroy takes to the floor and ”pays tribute to the patriotism that the commune of Arras has displayed on more than one occasion,” but adds that it is now ”sullied by new men.” As proof of this he lifts the two commissioners themselves — the first being a former nobleman's servant, the second a former priest who has dared to declare that he regards the people as an animal needing to be muzzled. Barère then takes to the floor and reads a long report about the French taking of Charleroi on June 25. Near the end of the report, Barère assures that ”all representatives of the people near these armies assisted in the fight,” and praises Joseph Lebon in particular: ”Lebon, so much slandered by the enemies of Liberty, Lebon, on the recommendation of Saint-Just, had the spies executed in Cambrai and all the enemy's intelligence agents guillotined. (Applause.) The police operation carried out in Cambrai over the past two months, against which foreign newspapers and émigrés hurl the most horrific imprecations, caused our enemies to change their plans. This fact is attested to by the reports of several prisoners interrogated by Guyton, Saint-Just, and Lebas.” Barère adds that a report focused solely on Lebon — a ”republican and loyal representative” — is coming up soon. (Mercure Universel, number 1205 (June 30 1794), page 189-191, Moniteur universel, number 282 (June 30 1794) page 1151-1152).
29 June — the Committee of General Security issues a decree ordering the arrest of Danten, Démuliez, Beugniet and Leblond once more. (Joseph Le Bon, 1765-1795; la terreur à la frontière (1932), volume 2, page 276) It would not appear to have had any effect.
1 July — Buissart writes a letter to his wife in Paris, telling her that yesterday, Barère’s report was read aloud to the people gathered at the foot of the Liberty Tree in Arras, to the sound of a band playing patriotic tunes and cries of ”Long live Saint-Just, Lebas and Lebon!” and that today, a ball is being held at the Temple of Reason in honor of the battle and ”for the glory of Lebon and his companions.” Buissart is however sceptical as to why Lebon’s name was included with the others in Barère’s report, not seeing how he could have possibly played any role in the taking of Charleroi. ”May Maximilien open his eyes, it is time for that, if he wants to see clearly.” Buissart also aims some suspicions at Lebas who is ”the son of a tax collector, of an émigré prince, ci-devant Guistelle,” and again puts his hopes to the idea Augustin Robespierre will come to Arras to sort things out — ”Bonbon’s arrival […] is the hope of the true patriots and the terror of those who dare to persecute them. He knows the individuals of Arras all too well to not do justice to those who deserve it.” No one other than Augustin would work, he can’t be replaced. Buissart ends by asking his wife to embrace their son Poulo, all three Robespierre siblings ”and our other good friends” for him. Through the letter’s suscription, we see that Charlotte Buissart had moved in ”at Maximilien Robespierre’s, Rue Saint-Honoré, Paris.” Guffroy is on the other hand going to claim she lodged with Charlotte Robespierre (Les secrets de Joseph Lebon et de ses complices… page 78).
1 July — Guffroy sends Barère his Censuré républicaine ou Lettre aux Français habitants d’Arras et des communes environnantes, à la Convention nationale et à l’opinion publique, an 80 pages long pamphlet which begins with the revelations that ”my fellow citizens of Arras and its surroundings are oppressed, I will name the subordinate despots who silenced them, who imprisoned them, I don’t fear the despicable threats from their persecutors.” Before doing that, Guffroy does however spend 30 pages with citing long passages from reports made by Robespierre, Billaud-Varennes and Saint-Just over the past year to show that the CPS most definitely must have his back regarding this matter (for example, he underlines the following part from Robespierre’s Rapport sur les principes de la morale politique (February 1794): ”perish the scroundrel who dares to abuse the sacred law of liberty to carry death and sorrow into the heart of patriots!” (page 30). After that, he finally gets around to naming his enemy — ”It is with the unyielding rod of austere virtue that I forge the political dagger with which I’m going to strike you, Joseph Lebon.” He accuses Lebon of having made people tremble to just pass through Arras, of using child soldiers as young as nine without the government’s knowledge, of also leading children into denouncing their parents and going through all letters in the commune before they get sent off, of having arrested farmers only for not having attended constitutional mass, of preaching atheism, of watching executions while playing Ça ira, of having discredited national estates and the property of emigrants, of threatening people with the sabre he’s always carrying and saying he’ll cut their stomachs open, of having allowed people to threaten Buissart with an arrest warrant for corresponding with Carnot, Robespierre and Guffroy himself in order to ”save our commune from the oppression you subject it to,” and of letting his surveillance committee to strip women naked when searching them. As for Démeuliez, Beugniet, the Leblond brothers and Danten, whom he claims all of Arras recognizes as patriots, he writes the reason Lebon had the first four arrested, imprisoned and sent to Paris was ”to punish them for having the courage to oppose his turbulent orders with the very decrees he was violating,” (42) while the émigré Saint-Rémy that Danten was accused of having ties to actually isn’t an émigré at all. (50-51) He also underlines the fact Lebon also had their wives arrested, one of whom, he claims, had just given birth and had a child that was ill. Towards the end of the pamphlet, Guffroy inserts a footnote in which he reminds Robespierre of how the two used to work as lawyers together before the revolution and how the latter then had much bigger qualms about signing a death warrant than he had. Guffroy writes that he in spite of this has ”more than him the soul exercised in sensitivity, in the love of humanity” than Robespierre, since ”I am a husband and father, he is not.” (page 66) This is the only place in the entire pamphlet he writes something that could resemble criticism of the CPS or its members, otherwise he simply accuses Lebon of having misled them. In Les secrets de Joseph Lebon… (page 150) released the following year, Guffroy recalls that Charlotte Buissart nevertheless would have adviced against including the passage and suggested printing a letter praising Robespierre instead. To that he would have replied ”that Robespierre was deceiving her, toying with her, deceiving the patriots of Arras, deceiving everyone, and I predicted his imminent fate.”
In a letter Guffroy sends Barère alongside the pamphlet, he tells him to read all of it, expresses his surprise over the fact Barère praised Lebon at the Convention two days earlier and warns him not to put to much trust in what Saint-Just has said about Lebon, given that the former is only reporting what the latter has told him. (Les secrets de Joseph Lebon… page 146-149)
6 July — Charlotte Robespierre, as already seen through Buissart’s letter from five days earlier, is back in Paris and writes a letter to her younger brother with whom she has had a fallout, after which she moves in with a friend on Rue de la Réunion. According to Guffroy, Charlotte was forced to flee Arras after having been denounced as an ”aristocrat” at the popular society there, and would have been imprisoned had she stayed. Guffroy speculates that the pretext for her arrest was having been at the house of Payen de Neuville, a farmer executed in Cambrai on June 26 (for his affair, see this post). Charlotte was however able to go to Lille to meet representative on mission Florent Guyot, who then drove her directly to Paris (Les secrets de Joseph Lebon et de ses complices…, page 180-181).
8 July — Guffroy writes a letter to Augustin Robespierre, who has recently returned to Paris after an eight months long mission. Guffroy begins by admitting the letter is long, but that Augustin should read all of it. He suggests they should avoid meeting with each other, ”lest anyone accuse us of plotting against one of our colleagues,” and then says he’s going to give him an account over all the steps he’s taken with the two government committees in this affair, ”so that they do not interfere with those you must take, and which you have undoubtedly already taken, to bring the scoundrels and schemers of Arras to justice.” He brings up his new pamphlet, assuring Augustin that ”I wouldn’t have spoken like that about that madman if the patriots hadn’t been oppressed,” and defends the little jab he took at Maximilien in it: ”You know me, had I wanted to attack your brother in a note, like it is insinuated I did, then I'm loyal enough to do it out loud.” Guffroy then tells Augustin to tell his brother to look over the four or five letters he’s sent to him about the subject and get him to ”renounce the prejudices that ill-intentioned people have given him against me,” as well as to speak to the Committee of General Security members Élie Lacoste, Vadier and Rühl who ”must fear that I am acting with passion, yet they all know my love for the truth.” He complains about having been expelled from the jacobins three months earlier, dismisses the petition from Arras read at the Convention on June 29 as ”a work of violence and cunning,” and accuses Lebon of having gotten elected to the Convention ”only on the basis of negative evidence of his civic-mindedness.” He ends with some encouraging words: ”Courage, brave comrade, put an end to the suffering of the true and sincere friends of liberty in Arras,” and, like Buissart, expresses his surprise over the fact Augustin has not gotten sent to Arras: ”Why don't they put you in charge of restoring order? Only you or I can do it: local knowledge is absolutely necessary.”
In Les Secrets de Joseph Lebon… Guffroy writes that Augustin, who ”soon seemed to want to seriously help and serve [the ’patriots’]” showed this letter to his brother and also succeeded in organizing several meetings between Danten, Démuliez, Joseph Leblond and Maximilien. Guffroy claims to have been present at one of the meetings where it was just Augustin and the ”patriots.” Augustin would then indeed have reproached him for ”having sought to harm his brother” with the above mentioned note in Censuré républicaine where Guffroy had written he had more humanity and sensitivity than Maximilien. In Guffroy’s own words, Augustin was ”completely furious” over it. (Les secrets de Joseph Lebon et de ses complices…, page 128-129, 150). Barère, when speaking at the Convention on August 30 1794, also claimed that ”Robespierre the younger spoke against this representative of the people (Lebon),” while ”Robespierre the older and Saint-Just spoke in his favor.” (Le Républicain français, number 648 (3 September 1794), page 2664
9 July — Barère, in the name of the Committee of Public Safety, climbs the tribune of the Convention and, as promised on June 29, reads a report in the name of the Committee of Public Safety regarding the conduct of Lebon. Barère once again praises the representative and affirms that the Committee of Public Safety stands with him: ”Joseph Lebon, although with some forms of which the Committee disapproved, completely defeated the aristocrats, he suppressed the malevolent, the vigorous measures which he took saved Cambrai covered in treasons.” He regrets the fact citizens started retorting to petitions and also aims a veiled denounciation at Guffroy, saying that ”representatives must not be allowed to attack each other with polemical writings and to put the revolutionary spirit and movement on trial.” (Moniteur Universel, number 292 (July 10), page 1194-1195)
10 July — the Committee of Public Safety, considering that the successes of the northern armies makes it possible to eliminate local police forces, authors a decree ordering for the commission established by Lebon in the Pas-de-Calais department be shut down and those accused of counter-revolution brought without delay to the Revolutionary Tribunal in Paris, while Lebon himself will gather together all information he has collected concerning conspiracies and bring it before the commmitte, together with a table of the operations he has carried out. The Committee once again underlines that ”the examples of severity set at Cambrai have had a beneficial effect on the armies of the Republic.” The decree is signed by Barère, Carnot, Billaud-Varennes, Couthon, Saint-Just, Lindet, Collot d’Herbois, Robespierre and C-A Prieur. The very same day, Barère, in the name of the Committee, authors the following letter to Lebon:
The Committee has just learned that you were preparing to leave; do not go, and come to the Committee without delay.
B. Barère, Collot d’Herbois, Billaud-Varennes, C-A. Prieur.
18 July — Régis Deshorties, the Robespierre siblings step-cousin, writes a letter to Augustin to give him an update on how his friends in Arras are doing. Deshorties writes Buissart is waiting for his wife to come back ”after she has given to the Committe of Public Safety every instruction to which her deep knowledge in politics grant their justness.” Similar to Buissart, Deshorties both notes Maximilien’s silence towards them — ”Entirely belonging to the homeland and the great interests of the entire humankind, Robespierre has ceased to exist for his friends.” — and seems to have erroneously come to believe Augustin will get sent to Arras — ”Charlotte Robespierre had promised me to give me a note as soon as you return to the capital. Since I have received no letter of hers on that subject, nor another letter of which she should have pointed out the reception, I figured (as several persons have assured me) that you would come to Arras and that this was the reason for your sister’s silence.”
22 or 23 July — Augustin Robespierre brings Joseph Leblond and another one of the ”patriots” to Maximilien’s room, and they start a discussion about Arras. Soon enough however, Augustin tries to change the subject, encouraging Leblond to ”tell my brother what it is you know about Carnot, against whom Duquesnoy has said that he’s going to bring papers and proofs on fifteen facts capable of guillotining Carnot fifteen times.” When Leblond instead starts talking about the despotism of both Duquesnoy and his brother, the general Florent Joseph Duquesnoy, Maximilien gets mad and tells Augustin: ”Let’s go!” The two leave, but in the middle of the stairs Augustin turns around and tells Leblond: ”Damn beast, we should only talk about Carnot; why talk about the two Duquesnoys? My brother and the Committee of Public Safety have the biggest confidence in them… You’re lucky to be free… Duquesnoy!” (Les Secretes de Joseph Lebon (1795), page 337-338)
25 July — Herman, commissioner of civil administration, police and courts in Paris, forwards the following decree to the national agent in Arras, confirming that the ”patriots” from now on are to be left alone:
The Committee of Public Safety, having received clarification on the detention of citizens Démuliez, the two Leblond brothers and the wife of Gabriel, and testimony of their constant patriotism since the beginning of the Revolution, decrees that they shall be set free; [and] charges the national agent of the district of Arras with the execution of this decree.
Couthon, Carnot, Saint-Just, Collot d’Herbois, Billaud-Varennes, Barère, Prieur, Robespierre, Lindet.
28 July — execution of Robespierre, Saint-Just, Lebas, Couthon and Augustin Robespierre in Paris. The very same day, Collot d’Herbois authors the following decree recalling Lebon to Paris:
The Committee of Public Safety orders that the representative Lebon, who for the moment is in Cambrai, immediately returns to the Convention.
Collot d’Herbois, Carnot, C-A. Prieur, Billaud-Varennes, B. Barère.
31 July — Charlotte Robespierre is arrested and interrogated. When asked why she isn’t living with her brothers, she responds that ”she used to […], but her brothers and femme Duplay had told her to leave her apartment, and that femme Duplay reproached her for seeing counter-revolutionaries, among which was Guffroy, representative of the people.” A woman arrested alongside Charlotte and interrogated the very same day, does in her turn claim that Daillet and Topino-Le Brun, juror at the parisian Revolutionary Tribunal, had told a friend of hers to stop seeing Charlotte, ”given that Le Brun knew that all those who came to see citoyenne Robespierre would be guillotined.” (see this post)
2 August — Lebon climbs the tribune of the Convention, but before he’s able to say anything Bourdon d’Oise shouts: ”look at this executioner who served Robespierre!” André Dumont joins in and declares that ”justice has for long been outraged in the Pas-de-Calais and North departments,” and that the ”monster” Lebon has made blood flow, and he ends by asking for his arrest and a report against him. The deputy Clauzel asserts he too thinks Lebon to be a scoundrel, but asks that he be given the floor nevertheless. Lebon then asserts that he, contrary to having served Robespierre, was actually close to becoming his victim — ”this scoundrel sought to bring about my death three décadés ago,” — that he for the past nine months has loyally served his fellow citizens and that the Arras tribunal ran on the CPS’s orders. Poultier objects to this last statement and claims Lebon tore up an order from the CPS. Lebon responds that this is false, that Dumont is speaking against him right now only because the two had some disagreements while on mission together, and that Guffroy has only attacked him to save himself. Lebon puts forward that one year earlier, the same men Guffroy are defending today were denounced in his journal Rougiff because ”these men had discovered, in a clerk's office, a forgery committed by Guffroy, who hastened to Arras to hush up the affair.” Charles Lacroix says Lebon should respond if it is true that ”he committed the monstrous act of keeping a man under the blade of the guillotine for the entire time required to read the news.” Lebon doesn’t deny the charge as a whole, but explains that the condemned hadn’t yet arrived to the scaffold when he started reading. He then declares he wants to be interrogated on all the things the others have to ask him of, and that a commission be set up to deal with his affair. Legendre asks for Lebon’s provisional arrest, a report be made on him and he be given all means to answer it, and the Convention goes through with it. A bit later in the session, Guffroy declares that he will not respond to Lebon’s accusation, ”it is below me,” and also that he ”shall no longer trouble the Convention with this affair.” (Moniteur, number 316 (August 3 1794), page 1294-1295)
there's something ironic and passionate about nuclear semiotics' character as a thought experiment ("why 10,000?") being a celebration of various scientific methods and ideas, with those who are drawn to it being interested in that spread and dissemination of information, that contends with the assumption in most scenarios of the thought experiment being that all past information has been irrevocably destroyed or otherwise inaccessibly passed down
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watched hadestown for the first time and orpheus' huge forehead reminded me of marius pontmercy but... forgive my perhaps incorrect interpretation but is he not???
in act one at least. minus the family/monetary baggage. which de-mariuses him quite a lot i understand. and in act two (because marius is like an eevee and evolves into one of the amis) he becomes enjolras (WHO ALSO HAS A MASSIVE FOREHEAD) and in the end achieves the apotheosis we curtly saw dawn before he died.
like, hermes (iirc) states orpheus sees the ideal, eurydice sees the real; the way enjolras changes over time is by slowly shedding his idealism between the two major instances we see him, and orpheus too learns from eurydice's "realism"—inspiring the doubt and for him the lack of faith in being able to leave
in the end he stops resembling enjolras but... whom amongst the hadestown knowers HAVEN'T cited "maybe this time" with regards to the ending of les mis.
Here's a comic breaking down some myths about Robespierre, The Terror, and *why* he died. This explanation is still pretty simplified, but I hope it can show why many of us talk about his downfall with such sadness. It can seem confusing if you've been taught a certain narrative.
In comparison to some of my other non fiction comics, this one is honestly a little more biased... but heck, it's Thermidor, and Robespierre's memory is indeed dear enough to me that I want to defend it.
Did this quick sketch based on a scene in Un peuple et son roi. One of the many scenes that made me weep. I want to be close to them and know their names and faces. Among them, I recognised my mother, my sisters and my friends.
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after watching some frev related movies, I’ve noticed this pattern in some of them (like la terreur et la vertu and saint-just et la force des choses) where prior to the events of Thermidor robespierre and saint-just have this minor disagreement about something (whether this is about a proposed law or speech idk) and it’s always made me wonder whether or not it’s based on something that happened or if they just included it to add a dramatic flair to the films. (If it’s the latter Patrice is cleaning that shit up)
either way, it got me thinking. I’ve heard so many examples of how similar both robespierre and saint-just were in what they both wanted and their political views overall, but are there any cases where the two had contrasting views or if they clashed in anyway, or were they always in agreement with each other?
saying this because my brain is absolutely fried atm and when it’s fried (all the time) i tend to think the most stupidest questions sorry :/
I have no idea how I managed to write this while my brain was swimming in jello due to brain fog, heat exhaustion and sleep deprivation. But hey I did it. It was getting very long and confusing though so I added divisions.
1. The Law of Prairial
Their biggest known disagreement is over the Law of 22 Prairial, though surprisingly few people actually talk about it.
[I talk about this in a bit more details here. @anotherhumaninthisworld has a good summary of the situation here too with translated quotes.]
To recap: Gateau writes after Thermidor that Saint-Just actively opposed the law. This could easily be dismissed as Gateau trying to make his friend look better in hindsight (especially since Gateau really bought into the "Robespierre-was-the-sole-tyrant" post-Thermidor kool-aid). But there are very reasonable grounds to support this claim. Specifically, the circumstances around Saint-Just's sudden recall from mission and his almost immediate flight back to the Army of the North - skipping even the Feast of the Supreme Being.
Historically, Saint-Just was the one who delivered the speeches/reports that laid the groundwork for things like the Law of Prairial: his reports on the revolutionary government, on the police bureau, and on the destruction of the factions. This is how he acquired the reputation of the "Archangel of the Terror" (a title coined much later by Michelet). It was a task he acknowledged and reluctantly accepted:
"I have attacked men no one else would have dared to attack, everything might have made a criminal the one who dared, only I had the duty to deliver this dangerous message, it's the youngest who must die and prove his courage and virtue."
When you consider those factors, it is extremely bizarre that the Law of Prairial ended up being Couthon's legislative work. It seems highly likely the Committee originally wanted Saint-Just to draft and present it, but he refused, leaving Couthon to step in.
2. The Failed Reconciliation of the Committees
Other potential sources of disagreement belong to the realm of assumptions as we can't know for sure, but they also have evidence to support them. One of them concerns the events leading up directly to Thermidor: the (failed) reconciliation attempt of 5 thermidor, which La Terreur et la Vertu goes into.
I don't think we have any insider sources on the events themselves outside of Saint-Just's very own speech on 9 thermidor. The Thermidorians seem oddly silent about this. Possibly because it breaks their entire narrative: if they knew Saint-Just was conspiring with Robespierre or was more despotic than him, why did they charge him with that report? The fact that they chose him specifically when it wasn't his usual style of report is also bizarre to me. Like I wondered once: was it purposefully intended as an insult or as a way to drive him and Robespierre apart?
If that was the case, it did seem to briefly work. This is supported by at least one witness: Jacques-Maurice Duplay, interrogated on 12 nivôse Year III. Though he claims he did not hear about the reconciliation proposal, he answers that "they seemed greatly divided" at the time. Considering he mentions that only when they bring this up, it seems related.
When you look at it from the perspective of a linear timeline, Robespierre's speech of 8 thermidor seems like a direct response, an attack even, on what Saint-Just was planning. After a meeting between the two committees on 5 thermidor, Barère announced their reconciliation on the evening and Saint-Just's report was planned and scheduled already. (And I would need to check the date but I think Barère also gave a speech to that effect to the Convention on 7 thermidor.) That Robespierre would publicly undermine Barère seems very likely - but Saint-Just? The day before his own report?
Now the unfortunate part is we will never truly know what happened between them over this. We only have assumptions and theories based on their speeches and other circumstances/factors.
Which brings us to how this friction plays out on screen. The way La Terreur et la Vertu presents it, Saint-Just didn't know about Robespierre's speech, hadn't read it, and considered it unwise. We can only truly infer the last part from Saint-Just's own speech on 9 thermidor. It's clear that if he had anything already written for his, he scrapped and revised a lot based on the events on the 8 and in the night of the 8 to the 9.
Most people don't think of compromise when they think of Saint-Just, but Vinot explains that he was actually willing to sacrifice a massive amount of his own principles and politics to save the revolutionary government from imploding.
On 4 thermidor (July 22), with Robespierre and Couthon absent, the joint Committees finally set up the last four popular commissions mandated by the Ventôse decrees. Even Lindet ended up signing. But the reconciliation on 5 thermidor came at a high prize, like Vinot says:
The decree on the four popular commissions was not followed by any implementing texts. Maximilien received nothing but a few polite tributes. In return, his young colleague had accepted the partial disarmament of the sections, and had given up on the centralization of the police, the purging of the Convention, and the publicizing of his religious policy. With cold composure, he concealed his bitterness and did not decline the responsibility of writing the report.
Saint-Just did not mention in his later speech of 9 thermidor that to get this compromise, he had signed a decree with Barère, Billaud, and Carnot to remove four companies of sectional gunners loyal to the Robespierrists from Paris. He also apparently agreed to "recognize the policing prerogatives of the Committee of General Security at the expense of the Bureau of Police".
Naturally, this uneasy truce was sabotaged almost immediately. On the evening of 6 thermidor at the Jacobins, Couthon gave a speech that essentially blindsided Saint-Just before Robespierre did on the 8:
On the evening of the 6th, at the Jacobins, Couthon admittedly reaffirmed the unity of the Committees, but—forgetting the promise made by Saint-Just—persisted in wanting to crush "five or six petty human figures whose hands were full of the Republic's wealth and dripping with the blood of the innocents they had sacrificed." He targeted only the corrupt representatives and covered the "national representation" with highly emphasized praise. It was a speech in line with the Robespierrist camp, yet moderate enough not to displease the Plain.
In this context, Robespierre's speech on 8 thermidor doesn't seem so explosive. It was only a matter of time.
3. Was There A Rift Between Saint-Just and Robespierre?
Albert Ollivier, whose biography served as the basis for Saint-Just et la force des choses, is a proponent of the theory that Saint-Just and Robespierre were no longer close. He leans hard into the "growing rift" camp. But it's a bit more complicated than that.
First, it completely ignores that in spite of everything Saint-Just still chose that path on 9 thermidor, the way Marisa Linton eloquently put it.
It seems very likely that he had a way out. Multiple, even. He didn't take any. Maybe the reconciliation report was another way they offered him since he refused to be sent back to the North. The pragmatists of the Committees knew that he was a valuable asset to maintain their own power. When they lost him, they lost their leverage against those who criticized the revolutionary government. His final speech was even used to later indict them.
Saint-Just didn't have to deliver that speech. He could have dropped his defense of Robespierre entirely. He could have chosen to submit his report to the rest of the Committees the way he "promised". But they "withered his heart" on that fateful night from the 8 to the 9.
It's possible he knew that reading his speech wouldn't have changed anything - though keep in mind that this is Lindet's perspective, not Barère's, not Prieur's, and not Carnot's extremely elusive one. Actually, Lindet's perspective offers us insight into Carnot's: "The only remaining question was which party would prevail in the Assembly. The only issue at stake was the reputation of Carnot and Robespierre." The whole "Organizer of Victory" PR branding that narrowly saved his ass? He didn't have that in July 1794 - he didn't until Spring 1795. Keeping Saint-Just alive, who was fresh from the Fleurus victory, could have been extremely useful.
Another problem with Ollivier's interpretation is that he inherits a very specific perspective these three specifically gave him, and the post-WW2 context is shaping his argument a lot. (I could go into that more but this whole post is already getting long. Let's just say the specific historical context he writes in influences his interpretation - that's not rare for historians.)
So because of the Thermidorians, you got the eternal pull on Saint-Just's "characterization": was he Robespierre's devoted disciple (Courtois), or his potential rival (Carnot, Barère, Prieur)? Was he going to topple him because he was so much more awesome?
Let's ignore that those arguments only exist because 1) Barère and Carnot were cucked and 2) Napoléon happened.
"Barère and Carnot were cucked" - plz follow for more incredibly srs historical analysis ✌️
Carnot and Barère couldn't admit a 26yo was their equal in power but their superior in personality. They Vampire Chronicle'd us and erased his role in the organization of the war front. Let's be real, his existence was a huge blow to their ego, so they had to paint him as this dangerous fanatic who was even more despotic than Robespierre.
After Napoléon's coup, every historian has tried to shoehorn Saint-Just into a similar category - even Vinot does it. I'm not immune either, it's an interesting concept to play with creatively, but it doesn't belong to reality. Saint-Just's principles were too strong to choose this path.
An interesting thing to consider is that this idea that Saint-Just was a dangerous rival who was about to topple Robespierre reflects the anxieties Carnot and Barère had over their relationship with him more than the reality of Saint-Just's relationship with Robespierre.
4. Was There An Ideological Clash?
Another thing La Terreur et la Vertu but also Stanisława Przybyszewska's Thermidor suggest is that Robespierre and Saint-Just broke apart over certain political issues. Now Przybyszewska's account is very romanticized, and her sources didn't seem to be the most accurate. She also has her very specific interpretation of these figures, which is why I call anything connected to her works "the Stasiaverse" lol.
On the other hand, La Terreur et la Vertu is very closely grounded in Mathiez and Soboul's school of interpretation. This Saint-Just goes on proto-Marxist tangents that seem a bit too perfectly aligned with the interpretations of those historians. He's basically used by the narrative as the mouthpiece to serve a Marxist critique on Robespierre's actions. They support this with the argument that Saint-Just was more to the left than Robespierre, who tried to appeal to the center to the very end.
There seems to be some validity to this though I can't recall a study that actually did this comparative work. Saint-Just's politics are still very much ignored outside of a few historians. Soboul's Marxist analysis most definitely needs to be revised.
What we can say is that Saint-Just condemned Billaud and Collot to the bitter end, pretty much designating them as "the source of the problems" in his last speech, while only mentioning without naming them directly the issues he had with Barère and Carnot. It's possible Saint-Just saw more utility to the latter two, or at least some way to curb them. Billaud and Collot might have felt more unstable to him, and it's also possible he didn't think they actually represented the left. What I mean is I don't think he saw himself as actually attacking the left of the Committee and siding with its center/right. It's possible he saw himself as the left. But it's also very likely he didn't even conceive politics exactly this way. They didn't really use those terms yet. Even though they invented the left vs right divide, it's not quite part of their vocabulary. They think in terms of moderation, indulgence, exaggeration - which all become counter-revolutionary crimes because to Saint-Just they all have the same goal. Factions aren't valid political options to him: they disturb governance, they mislead the Revolution, and should be crushed. But at the same time this position is not explicitly a "centrist" policy in his eyes: it's how the Republic - and the Revolution - can be saved.
So, to answer the question: yes, Robespierre and Saint-Just absolutely clashed, but it wasn't the dramatic, ideological betrayal or the looming power struggle that movies or self-serving Thermidorian memoirs suggest. (Though personally I feel that the narrative presented by La Terreur et la Vertu, in spite of a few anachronistic hiccups in the socio-political interpretation, is the closest to being an accurate reconstruction.)
While the movies/plays dramatize it to create a good narrative tension, they aren't pulling it out of thin air. There was real friction between them at the end, but it was not because they wanted different worlds. They just disagreed on how to get into the next step. Were they going to stop the Terror? To them, stopping the Terror also meant relinquishing the state apparatus that allowed the punishment of the corrupt representatives who threatened the Republic they wanted. Saint-Just fully understood the limits of the Terror, and that it was being weaponized, misapplied and distorted by representatives he didn't actually have the power to control. He had that power in Alsace and in the North - but not in Paris.
The tragedy of their final days wasn't a betrayal of friendship or a battle of secret rivals. It was the realization that the system they built to save the Revolution had become a trap - and while Robespierre chose to blow it up, Saint-Just chose to go down with the ship.
Revolutionaries’ activities on the day of the Champ-de-Mars massacre
Pauline Léon took part in the demonstration. On her way home from there, she used her fists to defend a friend against the family of a national guard. This is the first conserved trace of any militant activities from her side. (Pauline Léon, une républicaine révolutionnaire (2006) by Claude Guillon).
Manon Roland wrote in her memoirs that she on the day in question had been at the jacobins ”where I had witnessed the agitations caused by the sad events on Champ-de-Mars.” Manon remembers walking home eleven o’clock in the evening and bumping into François and Louise Robert. Louise (who it might be worth mentioning would have been seven months pregnant at this point) explains that ”my husband was writing the petition on the altar of the homeland, I was at his side. We escaped the slaughter without daring to retire neither to our house nor that of one of friends.” She therefore asks if they can take shelter at Manon’s place. Manon happily agrees, and brings them over to hôtel Britannique, rue Guénégaud. The next morning, the Roberts start talking through the window with an acquaintance by the name of Vachard, whom they invite up. Vachard speaks loudly about yesterday’s events, boasting about having run his sabre through a National Guardsman. Manon finds this conduct to be careless, and asks the Roberts to tell their friend to leave, which they do. The Roberts themselves leave around noon.
Forty years after the fact, Sergent-Marceau claimed that he on the morning of the day in question had been at Danton’s place together with Desmoulins, Fréron, Fabre, Santerre, Brune, Duplain and Momoro, discussing the lynching of two men at the Champ-de-Mars. At nine o’clock, Legendre arrives and tells the group that two men had come home to him and said: We are charged with warning you to get out of Paris, bring Danton, Camille and Fréron, let them not be seen in the city all day, it is Alexandre Lameth who engages this. Camille, Danton and Fréron follow this advice and leave, and were therefore most likely not present for the demonstration and shootings (Revue rétrospective, ou Bibliothèque historique: contenant des mémoires et documens authentiques, inédits et originaux, pour servir à l'histoire proprement dite, à la biographie, à l'histoire de la littérature et des arts (1834),p. 284-285). Desmoulins is nevertheless confirmed to have shown up at the jacobins’ evening session the very same day to talk about the split with the Feuillants and bring to attention the fact that his journal since six weeks back has been unable to reach Marseille. Sergent-Marceau too was there.
Robespierre did, according to the memoirs of his sister Charlotte, see the shootings with his own eyes. He is confirmed to have been at the jacobins’ evening session and there have intervened twice, first asking that commissioners be appointed to find out and report back what exactly is going on in Paris, and then lamenting the sad state of affairs. Both Charlotte, Fréron and Philippe Lebas Jr. write it was on this day Robespierre moved in with the Duplay family on rue Saint-Honoré 398 Charlotte claims that this happened when he was walking away from the massacre following said street. A considerable crowd then showed up, recognized him and started shouting vive Robespierre!, which caused Maurice Duplay to come out and offer Robespierre to rest up in his house. Fréron on the other hand writes that when leaving the jacobins in the evening and crossing its courtyard, which was filled with Lafayette’s soldiers who ”vomit[ed] imprecations and threats against the Jacobins” Robespierre got so scared that he had to grab onto Lecointre and La Poype in order to support himself. Not daring to go home he asked Lecointre if he knew any patriot in the vicinity of the Tuileries who could give him shelter for the night, whereupon the latter brought him to the Duplays. Philippe jr simply writes that on the day in question, a rumor had spread that ”the most influential members of the democratic party, and in particular Robespierre” were going to get arrested, causing his grandfather to offer him asylum. Charlotte claims her brother wanted to leave after an hour or two, but was made to stay for dinner and kept in the house for days.
Pétion too was at the jacobins’ evening session, where he held speech about the founding of the Feuillant club the day before, calling for calm in these ”stormy times” and for a circular to be sent to all the sister clubs.
Brissot admitted in a interrogation held October 15 1793 that his ”great occupations” had hindered him from attending the demonstration. He is confirmed to have been at the jacobin club in the evening and there have read aloud the circular to the sister societies regarding the split with the Feuillants Pétion proposed writing. At the very end the circular says the following, apropos of the day’s event on Champ-de-Mars: ”Something has just happened at Champ-de-Mars: the blood of the people has flowed. Brothers and friends, beware of false stories and slander that may be directed at you. We owe you the truth, you know that.” The circular was approved.
Duforney, Régnier and Royer are also confirmed to have been at the Jacobins’ evening session.