Writing this book has been a catharsis of sorts. I was trying to come to grips with leaving the UAE after more than twenty years. One would think that living for such a long time in a place would result in forming an attachment, or calling it home. None of that transpired. It never felt like home. At its core it was a transient and alienating place. Yet family circumstances necessitated staying. When these changed, it finally allowed me to become cognizant of my own precarious status – similar to so many other migrants in the Arab Gulf. I decided to depart to a place – notwithstanding all of its shortcomings – that was nevertheless ‘real.’ Real in the sense that the prospect of sustaining a home, of nurturing a sense of belonging is viable. Real in the sense that one is not forced to renew a residency visa every three years. A process that at its core entails proving that one does not pose a biological threat. I departed to a place that embodies a sense of history, and where cities are not just looked at as a disposable commodity. I departed to a place where freedom is a quality that still holds some meaning, however imperfect it maybe. It is not a slogan disguised under wooly words such as ‘tolerance’ and ‘happiness.’ And ultimately, there is only so much one can take gazing at glittering skyscrapers, or partake in consumerist delights of shopping malls. Eventually one must awake from what can very easily turn into a numbing and dull existence and face the real world. The illusion of permanence will then finally dissipate, like a grim cloud giving way to the rays of the sun.

Observing the looming spectacle. (Dubai. City Walk. 2o17)

In the back of my mind was always a desire to write a book about this fleeting and transient experience. It became blindingly obvious when I was appointed as a curator for the UAE Pavilion at the 16thVenice Architecture Biennale. Asked to represent a country to which I did not belong, nor did ever have any realistic prospect of being part of, I came to grasp that I have overstayed my welcome. Yet remarkably, and paradoxically, while delivering a world class exhibition, showing that the UAE was a place with a substantive architectural patrimony worthy of serious architectural discourse, I was under the illusion that I am part of this as well. Ultimately though I realized that this was not so. And it was at that moment, while the exhibition was being installed and finalized, that I decided to sever my ties to this place. I saw it as my swan song in a way, but also as a new beginning. My task was accomplished. My job was complete. ‘Thank you for all that you have done’ as I kept hearing over and over again, in a rehearsed and disengaged refrain, during my last days in the city.

This is not a book that engages in ‘Gulf bashing’ nor was this ever my intent. The book emanates from a good place – a true respect for the resilience, persistence and dedication of city dwellers in the region. This book, while at its core is a critique of the Arab Gulf City – specifically Dubai, Abu Dhabi and Doha – exposing its precarity and transience, is a tribute to its denizens – migrants and locals alike. It is those citizens and residents who hold the key for the survival of these urban centers. If a voice is offered to them, and they are able to have a stake and claim ownership, then such cities may avoid the fate of irrelevance and ridicule. What Saudi writer Abdulrahman Munif referred to as Cities of Salt – cities that will disappear and vanish from existence at the slightest sight of trouble. Like any other urban center in the world, cities in the Arab Gulf are not monolithic entities. They are complex organisms accommodating numerous layers and need to be approached with caution and nuance. Yet this should not detract us from pointing out its shortcomings, deficiencies and problems. Doing otherwise would be a disservice to scholarship and an abandonment of critical discourse. 

Workers occupying a sidewalk in central Abu Dhabi (Abu Dhabi. UAE. 2012)

In many ways what will unfold in these pages represents a cumulative effort as evidenced by the myriad individuals and organizations which I encountered while writing its chapters. I could go on working further to refine its arguments yet one must eventually stop. And here I take solace in the words of French poet Paul Valery, slightly paraphrased: “A book is never finished, it is abandoned.”

Yasser Elsheshtawy. Philadelphia, USA

26 November 2018

This paper aims at answering these questions while assessing what has been accomplished so far vis-à-vis the NUA. However, it is important to also consider the international context in which these efforts are taking place to provide a better understanding with respect to the agenda and that it is not merely a matter of preserving energy or recycling. The discussion is thus set within a larger context that looks at how the NUA is shaping the global urban narrative. With that in mind this paper examines the response towards, and engagement with, the NUA by Arab Gulf States. Additionally, problems and deficiencies will be identified followed by a proposal for a policy framework that would mitigate such deficiencies. The objective is to move beyond the sustainability rhetoric (i.e. greenwashing) and enable a process that more substantively addresses the concerns of the NUA and to make Arab Gulf Cities sustainable and resilient from a comprehensive perspective. Ultimately, the main question here is whether they would like to become part of a “worldwide sea change, a generational shift” which the NUA is aiming to achieve [4].

  From Sustainability to Resilience: The quest for a safe and inclusive environment

Previous Habitat agendas focused on technocratic solutions, with particular emphasis on a range of indicators through which progress can be measured. While effective in many ways it also was criticized for aiming to impose a one-size-fits-all formula. In its latest declaration, the emphasis is on democratic development and respect for human rights which feature prominently as does the relationship between environment and urbanization. There is also a significant focus on equity in the face of globalization and urban resilience. At its heart the NUA, a 23-page document, lays the groundwork for policies and initiatives that will shape cities over the next 20 years [5]. The main issues targeted by the NUA, are housing (fighting land speculation, residential segregation, and urban sprawl); migration (opening up cities, rather than having segregated enclaves); infrastructure; climate change; inclusion (address the need to make cities more inclusive by engaging with various marginalized and neglected groups).

There has been some criticism directed at the NUA since its adoption in Quito. Indeed as some scholars have pointed out not everyone who promotes the urban agenda has the same understanding of the role of cities in addressing developmental problems [6]. It is thus vital to identify the multiple forms of knowledge that are shaping how urban processes are understood and why cities are seen as important for sustainable development. One needs to articulate assessment methods, constituencies and also question some underlying assumptions. In short objections and concerns center around the following four points: 1) Operationalization and Implementation; 2) Whose City? 3) Changing the what but not the why; and lastly, 4) Smart Cities as Panacea.

With respect to operationalization for many observers the New Urban Agenda lacked specificity in terms of implementation, [7] and that its guidelines are too vague and too “aspirational” for cities to act on [8]. The Agenda has also been criticized for its lack of integration with previous policy proposals [9]. Then comes the notion of ‘whose city’ or ‘the right to the city,’ an important issue for urban activists worldwide. This operates under a general framework that presumes that a city should be for all people irrespective of any differences. While the NUA includes references to this principle some would have liked to see it expanded, to include LGPBTQ rights for example, which were not mentioned in the final document.

One particular salient objection concerns whether the NUA represents a true paradigm shift or if it is a replication of existing power structures. Some have suggested that it is merely an outlet for perpetuating and reproducing a development agenda deeply entrenched in the Washington Consensus values of market liberalization and institutional commodification [11]. Furthermore, while the NUA shifts the conceptual framework within which cities are understood not much changes with respect to key research questions, methodological tools and institutional frameworks. It is instead portrayed as a kind of immunology: “vaccinating people and environments alike so that they are able to take larger doses of inequality and environmental degradation in the future” [12]. Lastly the NUA seems to place much faith in Smart Cities, seen as a panacea for overcoming all sorts of urban ills, by acknowledging the significance of this approach to city management. Yet there are questions pertaining to oversight, ethics, security etc. which remain unanswered [13]. Certainly the use of ‘big data’ is useful when it comes to various technocratic issues – water, energy, transportation – as efficiency is paramount. However, with respect to social concerns – access to public space, inclusion, affordable housing – efficiency is not a particularly urgent matter as the focus is not exclusively on quantitative measures. At this level the urban is entangled with people’s lives necessitating a different approach.

  Arab Gulf States and the NUA: An Assessment

Arab countries, under the general umbrella of the Arab League have been quite active in both contributing and promoting the NUA. Going back to 2012, when a forum was held in Morocco in collaboration with UN-Habitat, to discuss the Millennium Development Goals. The event ended with the Rabat Declaration “Making Slums History: a worldwide challenge for 2020.” Moreover a ministerial forum takes place every two years, specifically the Arab Ministerial Forum for Housing and Sustainable Urban Development (AMFHUD). The first meeting in Cairo, 2015, was a platform for the discussion of the NUA and the implementation of urban policy [14].  A second meeting, titled “Implementing the new urban agenda in the Arab region” in Rabat (December 2017) included 300 participants from 20 Arab countries. In 2016 the Arab strategy for Housing and Sustainable Urban Development 2030 was adopted during the Arab summit.

 Figure 2: Manshiet Nasser, one of the largest slums in Cairo

In Quito during the Habitat 2016 event Arab countries presented the “Arab Quito Declaration on Housing and Sustainable Development” [15]. Referencing the agenda for sustainable development, and in particular Goal 11, the urban agenda pertaining to sustainability, resilience and inclusion. They also point out to a statement issued by the UN’s Arab Group which included the avoidance of controversial issues so as not to compromise beliefs, or interfere in internal affairs. The reference here is to LGBTQ rights as noted previously. Subsequently, a series of meetings were held which resulted in various outcomes including a 2018 report titled “Migration and inclusive cities: a guide for Arab city leaders [16]. The publication is part of the UN Habitat City Leaders Guide series and launched as an issue paper by the Working Group on International Migration in the Arab Region. It is notable for its inclusive view of migrants and identification of different forms of migration, including economic migrants and temporary workers – an important issue of particular poignancy with respect to the Arab Gulf.

Specific responses

Arab Gulf States enthusiastically embraced the NUA, participating in preparatory meetings as well as shaping some items that eventually made it into the final agenda, such as the removal of references to LGBTQ rights [17]. There have been variations however with regard to the degree of involvement, and the extent by which the agenda has influenced local policy. At a broader level, the inclusion of the agenda in regulations and policies has been selective. More emphasis has been placed on specific technocratic issues pertaining to environmental regulations; additionally some countries have chosen to highlight housing. Yet the NUA also involves social matters such as the right of migrants and inclusion, items that were noticeably ignored or interpreted in a different way than was intended.

Table 1 shows the degree of engagement with the NUA among the six countries making up the GCC. The table focuses on five categories: organizational involvement; report submission; organization of events; institutional and policy support; examples of showcase projects. In general, all countries have a strong presence with respect to the Habitat Forum, submitting detailed reports, organizing and participating in events and the like. Yet it is noticeable that Oman and Bahrain have not made available a report to Habitat; Qatar has only included a letter reiterating its support for the agenda. Similarly, the UAE provided two detailed statements. At an organizational level the contribution of the UAE is notable, given its involvement in various preparatory meetings and also being selected to host the upcoming World Urban Forum in 2020; indeed on the Habitat site is a special note indicating the organization’s appreciation for the UAE’s support. Both Qatar and Saudi Arabia have organized a number of networking events in support of the NUA. At an institutional and regulatory support level, all countries with the exception of Oman [18], have Green Building Councils/Forums, which regulate building and construction activities so that they are in compliance with green building practices. The table also includes projects that were sometimes cited as evidence that respective countries are in compliance with the NUA agenda. In the case of Bahrain for example, there was a specific focus on housing; the UAE chose to cite the mega-development of EXPO 2020 and its subsequent conversion into a high-end office/housing development as evidence of following best practices in terms of urban development. In many cases however, it is more a matter of adapting sustainability practices to new and upcoming projects.

 Towards an effective response

As discussed in the previous section Arab Gulf States are an active contributor to the NUA, in addition to forming specific responses with a view towards policy implementation. The scope of intervention however has been more or less limited to housing as well as a continuation of previous efforts towards energy conservation. While the NUA clearly encompasses a range of concerns which include resilience, the right of migrants and inclusionary public space, these have been largely sidestepped or addressed in an ad-hoc manner. Indeed it could be argued that the response has been about ticking the right boxes without any evidence of a change in the urban development paradigm, in essence continuing post-oil policies that rely on generous government subsidies for citizens, allocation of spacious housing units, as well as reliance on importation of laborers and housing them in what has been described as ‘labor camps’ by numerous reports [19]. The question here is whether the embrace of the NUA constitutes a sincere effort at mitigating some of these drawbacks or whether it is co-opted to fit with nationalistic agendas?

The previous analysis and review of practices by Arab Gulf States indicate that they are specifically lacking in two areas: the first concerns commitments pertaining to the environment, which would include the provision of services, resilience, and climate change; the second involves the social aspect of the NUA which encompasses matters related to accessibility/discrimination, rights of refugees and migrants, as well as access to public space which inevitably would have to deal with equity and inclusion. These require a concerted effort at addressing them, not just through a few token projects but a substantive change in mindset, to be able to state with confidence that the NUA is indeed being integrated in city policy.

The Environment & Sustainability: Avoiding greenwashing

All Gulf countries have instituted policies that recognize the perils of unchecked environmental growth by emphasizing ‘low-carbon’ developments. For instance Abu Dhabi has introduced Masdar City whose initial goal was to be the world’s first zero-carbon city. That dream has since been revised with some reports noting that it may become the world’s first “green ghost town” [20]. National visions are formulated to capitalize on this quest for sustainability yet in spite of that the urgency of environmental concerns is not as salient as it should be. For example, these visions do not explicitly refer to climate change, with the exception of Qatar and the UAE [21]. Furthermore, numerous studies have shown that the shape and physical configuration of cities directly impacts energy requirements and resource efficiency, making urban morphologies a critical factor for global sustainability [22]. Thus cities such as Abu Dhabi or Kuwait because of their physical structure, predicated on car movement, low density development and the like, are inherently less energy efficient.

 Figure 3a, b: Masdar Institute in Abu Dhabi. A vision yet to fully materialize. Its surrounding appear desolate and empty.

Statistics are quite alarming. For example, according to a 2008 World Wildlife Fund report, the UAE had the worst carbon footprint in the world—over five times greater than the global average—and the highest rate of greenhouse gas emissions per capita [23]. Not much changed since, as recent studies pointed out that the UAE is tenth in energy consumption and second in CO2 emissions, per capita [24]. The UAE is also considered one of the highest consumers of water on the planet, at about 600 liters per day per person [25].  Given the scarcity of fresh water in the region, as much as 98 per cent of water needs are met through energy-intensive desalination. Most of the salt residue is thrown back into the sea, hence generating even larger concentrations of salt in seawater.

Cities fare no better. Abu Dhabi for instance according to some scholars presents the picture of a city set on an utterly unsustainable course of urban development [26]. It has the world’s largest ecological footprint and is a leading consumer in energy and CO2 emissions [27]. The residential sector in particular is a major contributor to this dire environmental record; indeed single-family homes and villas represent about 50% of the city’s energy consumption [28]. As Emirati scholar Khaled Al-Awadi pointed out these housing initiatives meet an important social need, however given the current expansion they “create a new planning challenge because they compromise the environment and consume land resources inefficiently” [29].

Throughout the Arab Gulf there has been a shift towards technological solutions and policy reforms to encourage environmental sustainability. One reason is a response to global environmental pressures including a critical reflection on unsustainable growth models. Some have argued however that the “sustainability narrative” in the region is “used by the political regimes to convey an image of modernity, technological pioneering, and welfare surplus, thus cementing their legitimacy and power” [30]. Scholar Laurence Crot claimed that the ruling elite in the UAE derives more legitimacy from encouraging unrestrained lifestyles than from adhering to the pursuit of urban sustainability. This is done through the reliance on technological solutions, promotion of miraculous megaprojects and the like rather than changing consumer behavior. Thus, there is a problem of low compliance with regulations, and lack of awareness among regulators, the construction industry and residents [31]. While the focus on technology allows authorities to claim an adherence to the global sustainability agenda, and by extension the NUA, it sidesteps the social dimension. Arguably this is a sensitive issue as it pertains to laborers rights, inclusion and accessibility to public space, and a more substantive change in the urban development paradigm.

The Social Agenda: The quest for a just city

The NUA outlined a series of recommendations and guidelines that did not just pertain to preserving energy, mitigating climate change and resilience. The right to the city formed an important component of the agenda, stating that all citizens have access to equal opportunities; a full respect for the rights of refugees, migrants and internally displaced people, and improving connectivity and support of green initiatives. The latter involved the promotion of safe, accessible and green public space as areas for “social interaction and inclusion, human health and well-being, economic exchange and cultural expression and dialogue among a wide diversity of people and cultures” [32]. The review above showed that the Arab Gulf States are deficient in applying this aspect of the agenda. This manifests itself specifically in two components: a housing policy predicated on exclusion; and an approach to public space design that favors commercialization and limiting access. This is not to say that this is applicable across all countries, or that there are no examples of, or attempts at, successful integration. Rather the suggestion is that the general trend and focus does not embrace the comprehensive vision suggested by the NUA.

a) Erosion of public space:

One of the main issues facing Arab Gulf countries, with serious implications on public space use/access, is the demographic imbalance. In some countries locals constitute no more than 20% from the total population. Additionally, in many cities there is a preponderance of low-income workers who in the case of Dubai for instance account for about 20% (just construction workers); if low-income wage earners are taken into account the percentage is much higher [33]. In Qatar they represent more than 40% due to the ongoing construction in preparation for the World Cup in 2020, according to a 2017 HRW report [34]. The problem is exacerbated further by the fact that many of these economic migrants are not allowed to bring in their families if they do not meet a certain income threshold. They are thus branded ‘bachelors’ a designation that stigmatizes and prevents them from accessing many of the city’s ‘public’ sites. As a result there is a process identified by scholars as self-segregation [35]. Renowned anthropologist and Gulf scholar Sulayman Khalaf argued that such segregation is one of the defining characteristics of the Arab Gulf City [36].

Not surprisingly, given this unique population structure, access to public space for such groups is limited. Many urban parks charge entry fees, and while largely symbolic (in Dubai about AED6 or USD2), constitute a hindrance for low-income wage earners; some parks have policies that only allow for entry or families, thus explicitly preventing access for ‘bachelors’ – i.e. single men. Mobility constitutes another limitation; many workers reside in remote areas and would thus not be able to reach certain sites such as a waterfront or green area in the city with ease. This has resulted in what some scholars have referred to as ‘social boundaries’ where effectively people are relegated to certain districts within their respective cities, while others have ‘blocked out laborers’ [37]. One particularly relevant case here is the Abu Dhabi cornice. Throughout the last decade it has undergone extensive renovation and upgrading, provision of facilities and the like. Yet because of complaints by families workers have been prevented from entering such facilities and allowed only in designated ‘bachelor areas’ [38]. In this instance at least an area has been provided for this segment of the population, but in other situations segregation is much more explicit and dire. In Doha, Qatar authorities have allocated certain areas within the city, most of the city actually, as family zones, effectively barring workers from entering them. Open-air retail and leisure destinations such as Souq Waqif have security personnel which ask workers to leave if they enter [39]. There are however also indirect ways by which low-income workers are prevented from entering into public places. Shaheed park in Kuwait, designed and planned by renowned landscape architects, is a particularly poignant example [40]. It is envisioned as a high-end cultural destination, comprised of immaculate green space, cultural centers and museums, but also acts as a site that celebrates Kuwait and its state. It is hard to envision in such a pristine setting workers from South Asia coming together and meeting with each other. Similar scenes are unfolding in Dubai where many projects are predicated on a paradigm that favors the well-to-do and relies on speculative developments.

  (a) Al Maryah island in Abu Dhabi; a boardwalk attached to an ultra luxurious shopping mall

(b) The Cornice promenade in Abu Dhabi; separated from the city and mostly unused 

( c) The watertank park in Dubai; mostly used by wealthy expatriates

Figure 4a,b,c: Exclusive and segregated public space in Abu Dhabi and Dubai.

 b) Housing and Segregation:

As noted the unique population structure in the Arab Gulf has resulted in urban policies that favor segregation among its diverse residents. Cities are planned based on binaries such as local/non-local, worker/migrant, expatriate/worker, Western/Arab, etc. All of this has resulted in a fractured urbanity where people are confined to certain sections within the city based on nationality, ethnic background and socio-economic criteria. Exacerbating this problem is a housing policy that provides locals with living spaces comprised of stand-alone, spacious villas, increasingly spreading outwards into the desert, in neighborhoods exclusively dedicated to local residents. This caters to both a desire for more lavish living arrangements, but also a separation from what is perceived as an onslaught on their culture and traditions as was pointed out in a media report titled “Booming Dubai alienating natives” [41]. Residing in such conditions has become a right of sorts; indeed many Emiratis regard living in an apartment as ‘‘an infringement on their full citizenship’’ [42]. More recently a report titled “10,000 housing plots to be released for three new Emirati communities in Dubai” confirms the unabated continuation of such policies [43]. Similar conditions exist throughout the Gulf, where regimes have been engaged in building homes for their citizens in neighborhoods and districts specifically dedicated to the native population [44].

At the other end of the spectrum, workers are contained in camps located at the fringes of cities or deep in the desert, far away from any urban centers. In Dubai these camps have been intensively documented and covered in numerous reports as indicated previously. In Abu Dhabi, and indeed throughout the Gulf, the situation is no different. In Oman, policies are in place to remove single workers from residential areas [45]. In Qatar more than half the population lives in labor camps, according to its Ministry of Development Planning and Statistics.[46] The BBC describes some of them as ‘squalid’ [47]. They are proliferating as anthropologist Andrew Gardner has elaborated in an MEI report discussing “Labor Camps in the Gulf States” [48]. This notion of separation from the city, by providing workers with a self-contained settlement, actively discourages them from participating in the daily life of the luxurious city [49]. Another marginalized group are the Bidoon, stateless citizens who are present throughout the region. In Kuwait this is a particularly important problem, where they live in in slum-like settlements on the city’s outskirts [50], [51]. Such policies effectively contradict the very premise of the NUA.

Fig. 5a, b: Emirati housing development at the footprint of Jebel Hafit in Al Ain

Fig. 6a, b: Labor camps in Sonapur (a) and Quoz (b)

Looking ahead: towards a paradigm shift

The New Urban Agenda at its core affirms the urban and highlights the significance of cities as sites of innovation, challenge and opportunities. In the 21st century cities are places of hope and optimism, they are “humanity's greatest creation and our best hope for the future” [52]. The presence of a diverse population and living together in close proximity promotes and encourages creativity, nurturing of survival tactics and a tolerance towards others. This is the very definition of urbanity, which comes about not through superficial and misleading metrics such as number of nationalities, but the fact that people interact with each other and the existence of sites allowing for encounters. It is a place where people are not placed in isolated and gated enclaves, or where they self-segregate to meet others like them. More importantly the city under the NUA is a place where everyone has a stake in its success, and where some residents are not viewed as an expendable commodity.

Arab Gulf States have made an active and positive contribution towards the formulation of the NUA, and the implementation of various monitoring mechanisms. They have also been at the forefront of issuing statements, endorsements and the like. Moreover, they have established regulatory frameworks that are admirable in many respects illustrating a concern with city issues. However, more needs to be done if their response and engagement with the NUA transcends mere formalities. At the moment most of what has been accomplished or reworked does not lend itself to the kind of vision promulgated by the agenda; it does not represent a paradigmatic shift that will lead to a qualitative transformation in how cities are planned, designed and managed. In order for this to take place the following guidelines, a framework of sorts, is useful as a starting point:

1. Recognizing rights of migrants through integration into society. This would require an acknowledgement that they are active contributors to cities wealth and development. Further to this, some path to long-term residency and/or citizenship should be established (the UAE has already taken first steps in that regard). Without residents having a clear stake in ‘their’ city any forms of urban development will be short-lived and temporary.

 2. Subsidies for local residents, issued for various services, should be rethought. While they are an important component of the social contract for rentier societies, they inevitably result in complacency and waste in resources. Additionally, they contribute to increased inequality as in countries like the UAE there is a difference in how much people pay for services based on their residency status. No effective sustainability policy can be achieved without a recognition that resources are finite, which will not happen without a change in mindset that relies on state handouts.

 3. Housing policies should promote integration, diversity as well as affordance. Citizens need to be encouraged to move into the city and live in high-density conditions. Developments should incorporate a percentage of (real) affordable housing, a policy that is in effect in many cities throughout the world. Furthermore, integration of various nationalities and ethnic groups should be a stated policy, rather than the proliferation of ethnic and/or socio-economic enclaves.

 4. The urban planning paradigm needs to change from one that is car-centric and predicated on the availability of an endless supply of land, resulting in an ever-expanding city into the desert. Such an approach is not sustainable in the long run and relies on availability of fossil fuels. To that effect use of public transportation needs to be encouraged. Pace of growth should be measured, a form of slowness in urban development, based on the notion that cities grow over decades.

 5. Build and expand on local capacities, rather than relying on foreign and imported expertise. In many instances foreign models are imported under the guise of best practices. But such solutions may not be suitable for local contexts. Only locals and longtime residents (who have a stake in their city) will have the necessary knowledge for contextualized and place-based solutions.

 Admittedly these are ambitious guidelines however in order for Arab Gulf States to effectively respond to the NUA such a fundamental shift in thinking is necessary. Indeed real change needs to be endemic and consequently Gulf Arabs must build their future with their own commitment and talents, supportive of each other, and engaged with the world, as some scholars have urged [53]. At some level for Arab Gulf States to address these issues is of global concern as well. Indeed decisions related to urban form and infrastructure in cities such as Kuwait or Abu Dhabi, will play a critical role in shaping urban futures and global sustainability goals [54]. Without recognizing this the city of the future risks becoming the “utopia of the few and the dystopia of the many” [55].

   Fig. 7: Lines in the Sand. An endless expansion into the desert surrounding Abu Dhabi. 

 [All images taken by the author]

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Footnotes

[1] https://unhabitat.org/abu-dhabi-to-host-world-urban-forum-in-2020/

[2] Federico Caprotti, "Peak Oil and Eco-Urbanism in Abu Dhabi," in Eco-Cities and the Transition to Low Carbon Economies (Springer, 2015); Khaled Alawadi and Ouafa Benkraouda, "What Happened to Abu Dhabi’s Urbanism? The Question of Regional Integration," Journal of Urban Design  (2017).

[3] Laurence Crot, "Planning for Sustainability in Non-Democratic Polities: The Case of Masdar City," Urban Studies 50, no. 13 (2013).

[4] https://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/30/opinion/sunday/the-kind-of-thinking-cities-need.html

[5] http://habitat3.org/the-new-urban-agenda/

[6] Clive Barnett and Susan Parnell, "Ideas, Implementation and Indicators: Epistemologies of the Post-2015 Urban Agenda," Environment and Urbanization 28, no. 1 (2016).

[7] https://www.fairobserver.com/more/global_change/new-urban-agenda-smart-cities-sustainable-development-climate-news-65431/

[8] https://www.reuters.com/article/us-climatechange-cities-resilience-idUSKCN12D1SS?feedName=environmentNews&feedType=RSS

[9] https://www.huffingtonpost.com/the-conversation-global/habitat-iii-is-over-but-w_b_12632068.html

[10] https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2016/oct/20/habitat-3-right-city-concrete-policies-ada-colau

[11] https://www.fairobserver.com/more/global_change/new-urban-agenda-smart-cities-sustainable-development-climate-news-65431/

[12] Maria Kaika, "‘Don’t Call Me Resilient Again!’: The New Urban Agenda as Immunology… or… What Happens When Communities Refuse to Be Vaccinated with ‘Smart Cities’ and Indicators," Environment and Urbanization 29, no. 1 (2017): 98.

[13] https://www.huffingtonpost.com/the-conversation-global/habitat-iii-is-over-but-w_b_12632068.html

[14] https://unhabitat.org/rabat-declaration/

[15] http://habitat3.org/wp-content/uploads/press_files/dKdKN602E8v1rK0Jvi.pdf

[16] https://unhabitat.org/books/migration-and-inclusive-cities-a-guide-for-arab-city-leaders/

[17] https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2016/oct/19/un-new-urban-agenda-inclusive-cities-lgbtq-rights-habitat-3

[18] http://www.omanobserver.om/absence-green-building-code-undermining-energy-efficiency-drive/

[19] https://www.hrw.org/report/2009/05/19/island-happiness/exploitation-migrant-workers-saadiyat-island-abu-dhabi; http://www.mei.edu/content/labor-camps-gulf-states

[20] https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2016/feb/16/masdars-zero-carbon-dream-could-become-worlds-first-green-ghost-town

[21] Mohammad Al‐Saidi and Nadir Ahmed Elagib, "Ecological Modernization and Responses for a Low‐Carbon Future in the Gulf Cooperation Council Countries," Wiley Interdisciplinary Reviews: Climate Change  (2018).

[22] LSECities, "Resource Urbanisms: Asia's Divergent City Models of Kuwait, Abu Dhabi, Singapore and Hong Kong," ed. Philipp Rhode (London: London School of Economics, 2017).

[23] Chris Hails et al., "Living Planet Report 2008,"  (2008).

[24] M Elkaftangui and B Mohamed, "A Methodology for Successful Retrofitting in the Uae Old Residential Sector Towards Sustainable Measures," Proceedings of the Obsolescence and Renovation—20th Century Housing in The New Millennium, Universidad de Sevilla, Spain, December  (2015); Alawadi and Benkraouda, "What Happened to Abu Dhabi’s Urbanism? The Question of Regional Integration."

[25] https://qz.com/1180035/uae-has-built-the-worlds-largest-water-reserve-in-liwa-desert/

[26] Crot, "Planning for Sustainability in Non-Democratic Polities: The Case of Masdar City."

[27] Caprotti, "Peak Oil and Eco-Urbanism in Abu Dhabi."

[28] Hassan Radhi and Steve Sharples, "Forecasting Carbon Emissions of the Uae Residential Sector—a Case Study of Abu Dhabi" (paper presented at the 27th Conference on Passive and Low Energy Architecture, Belgium, 2011).

[29] Alawadi and Benkraouda, "What Happened to Abu Dhabi’s Urbanism? The Question of Regional Integration," 6.

[30] Al‐Saidi and Elagib, "Ecological Modernization and Responses for a Low‐Carbon Future in the Gulf Cooperation Council Countries."

[31] Crot, "Planning for Sustainability in Non-Democratic Polities: The Case of Masdar City."

[32] Article 37 of the NUA. http://nua.unhabitat.org/pillars.asp?PillarId=5&ln=1

[33] According to statistics from the Permanent Committee for Labour Affairs. https://gulfnews.com/news/uae/government/more-than-500-000-labourers-working-in-dubai-1.1656267

[34] https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/09/27/qatar-take-urgent-action-protect-construction-workers

[35] Neha Vora, "Producing Diasporas and Globalization: Indian Middle-Class Migrants in Dubai," Anthropological Quarterly 81, no. 2 (2008).

[36] Sulayman Khalaf, “The evolution of the Gulf city type, oil, and globalization.” In J. Fox, N. Mourtada-Sabbah, & M. al-Mutawa (Eds.), Globalization and the Gulf (pp. 244-265). (London: Routledge, 2006)

[37] Jane Bristol-Rhys, "Socio-Spatial Boundaries in Abu Dhabi," in Migrant Labour in the Persian Gulf, ed. Mehran Kamrava and Zahra Babar (2012).

[38] https://www.thenational.ae/uae/abu-dhabi-beach-areas-ban-on-single-men-1.399335

[39] https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2016/apr/13/qatar-families-only-zones-entrench-segregation-of-migrant-workers

[40] https://www.e-architect.co.uk/kuwait/al-shaheed-park-in-kuwait

[41] https://www.aljazeera.com/archive/2006/05/200849144441381718.html

[42] Sulayman Khalaf, “The evolution of the Gulf city type, oil, and globalization.” In J. Fox, N. Mourtada-Sabbah, & M. al-Mutawa (Eds.), Globalization and the Gulf (pp. 244-265). (London: Routledge, 2006)

[43] https://www.thenational.ae/uae/government/10-000-housing-plots-to-be-released-for-three-new-emirati-communities-in-dubai-1.720246

[44] https://www.reuters.com/article/us-saudi-housing-insight/saudi-housing-crisis-tests-crown-princes-reform-drive-idUSKCN1IW0FP

[45] https://www.alaraby.co.uk/english/news/2018/3/8/oman-begins-to-evict-single-men-from-residential-areas

[46] https://www.rt.com/news/345565-qatar-labor-camps-population/

[47] https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-26482775

[48] http://www.mei.edu/content/labor-camps-gulf-states

[49] https://fanack.com/migrant-labour/migrant-construction-workers-in-the-uae/

[50] Claire Beaugrand, Stateless in the Gulf: Migration, Nationality and Society in Kuwait, vol. 20171218 (IB Tauris, 2017).

[51] https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/voices/stateless-kuwait-who-are-bidoon

[52] Edward Ludwig Glaeser, Triumph of the City: How Our Greatest Invention Makes Us Richer, Smarter, Greener, Healthier, and Happier (New York: Penguin, 2012).

[53] Andy Spiess, "Developing Adaptive Capacity for Responding to Environmental Change in the Arab Gulf States: Uncertainties to Linking Ecosystem Conservation, Sustainable Development and Society in Authoritarian Rentier Economies," Global and Planetary Change 64, no. 3-4 (2008).

[54] LSECities, "Resource Urbanisms: Asia's Divergent City Models of Kuwait, Abu Dhabi, Singapore and Hong Kong."

In 2014 at a fully packed NYU-AD auditorium I was participating in a panel put together by the publisher of the Abu Dhabi Architectural Guide.[1] A compendium of modernist buildings (anything built after 1966, more or less) its stated aim was a documentation of the city’s architectural heritage thus disputing the claim that Abu Dhabi has ‘no history.’ In my opening remarks I cautioned against the fetishization of buildings, i.e. the notion that one can become enamored with a structure, simply because it was built in the ‘past’ (the word past here needs to be taken with a great deal of caution) and thus elevate it to the status of sainthood. As an example I mentioned the Abu Dhabi Bus Terminal which opened in 1989 and was designed by a Bulgarian architectural outfit. It has acquired in the minds of the modernist brigade a kind of respect and reverence usually associated with Gothic cathedrals. To my mind it is not a particularly interesting building. Known mostly for its quirkily curved concrete canopy extending over the bus stops, and painted in a garish green color, it stands in opposition to its surroundings, visually speaking.

Talking about surroundings, the structure makes no gesture whatsoever towards the city in which it is located. The bus station is surrounded by a fence and is set back from the street and can thus be seen only from a distance. Surrounding open spaces are occupied by workers on many evenings imbuing it with a sense of informality largely absent from the city, and also suggesting the potential for such a building in attracting a larger segment of the population and becoming a vibrant social hub. Given all that, I argued that it is probably best if the building is demolished and a more appropriate replacement takes its place. A kind of porous urban structure as seen in many other parts of the world.

Figure 2. The Abu Dhabi Bus Terminal set back from the street. Source.

Having made that statement you could literally hear an inaudible gasp from the audience. It seems that I had defiled the holy grail of Abu Dhabi architectural modernity. It pretty much went downhill from there. Angry denunciations followed informing me about the building’s synthesis of both the Frank Lloyd Wright Guggenheim Museum in New York City and the Eero Saarinen Washington, DC airport terminal (why is that a good thing?); others pointed out that such views (mine) are reflective of a kind of drive-by mentality which does not understand the inherent beauty of the building (which was kind of my point, its remoteness and distance); or that Abu Dhabi is losing so much of its history that we need to preserve whatever is left (even if it is functionally inefficient, or lacks any connectivity to the city). A particularly irate audience member went off on a tangent and denounced modernism as a category (because I had mentioned in passing that modernism had admirable social goals); others (actually only one, in a face-to-face conversation after the event) praised my bravery for refusing to turn the city into some sort of fossilized version of itself (however hard that maybe in the case of Abu Dhabi). It seemed that I had touched a raw nerve – and in an attempt to placate an increasingly angry mob I noted that my comments were made partly in jest to make a larger point about modernism.

Video of the Event. Standard Disclaimer: Actual events may not correspond directly with my own hazy recollections.

What this episode illustrates though is that in the Gulf, and indeed throughout the world, modernism is making a strong comeback. In recent years there have been many initiatives and exhibitions that celebrated modernist ‘achievements.’ For instance the theme of the UAE National Pavilion at the 2014 Venice Architecture Biennale, was ‘Lest we Forget’ a nostalgia tinged celebration of the countries’ architecture, largely focused on what was produced in the 60s and 70s. A hit-parade of favorite buildings, masterplans and amusing anecdotes about the countries’ founders thus sustaining some sort of founding myth. Other efforts followed, such as the documentation of Sharjah’s modernist heritage. Accordingly, anything built in that golden age of modernism and has a slightly worn out look with curiously looking concrete apparitions is declared as a worthy masterpiece. I have been complacent in this as well, introducing the UAE Modern initiative in 2012, an educational project whose aim was to map modern architecture in the UAE. It had its share of trophy buildings – the World Trade Center, the Hilton Hotel in Al Ain – although in my defense students also examined other, less spectacular structures such as the New Calicut Hotel in Khorfakkan, the Breeze Motel in Kalba, gas stations, health centers and schools. None are particularly remarkable and may not be worthy of a second look by hardcore modernist aficionados. Yet they are a significant component of an Emirati Vernacular – an architecture that is derived and inspired by its users and inhabitants – rather than a top down version of an expatriate architect’s fantasy about what constitutes Emirati identity.

Figure 3. Timeline of remarkable buildings in the UAE. As shown in the UAE Pavilion at the 2014 Venice Architecture Biennale. (Source: Author) 

Figure 4. Less remarkable buildings in the UAE. Clockwise from left: Calicut Hotel; Breeze Motel; a Gas Station. Source: UAE Modern

 Such interest in glorifying and valorizing various modernisms is to some extent inspired by what is happening throughout the Arab World. For example, a center in Beirut that wants to be a repository of modern Arab architecture; in Cairo an architectural observatory outfit is engaged in a kind of navel-gazing of the city’s ‘golden architectural age’ – whatever that is. Numerous Facebook pages look at life in the ‘good old days.’ Some of those have found their way into a Gulf based architectural discourse. For instance the Bahrain Pavilion at the 2014 Venice Architectural Biennale is a homage of sorts to Arab Modernism designed and curated by folks from Beirut. This does of course raise the issue of context (and history). Clearly though no one can dispute the value of documentation, mapping and archiving but if they are not situated in a larger critical discourse can easily become tools for a more sinister agenda that seeks to dismantle the old and usher in a neo-liberal urbanity that furthers inequality, increases alienation and promotes a sense of transience and temporariness. By focusing on a few token buildings and structures, claiming that they are part of the nation’s ‘heritage’ and incurring a protective status on them, more serious damage is done to buildings that are more valuable socially and culturally.

There are countless examples for this. Consider the Central Market in Abu Dhabi. While modernist in appearance it transformed into an informal affair, bringing together a diverse group of residents. Or the Mulla building in Electra Street, Abu Dhabi. An unremarkable building from the 1980s, it was a gathering area for the city’s marginalized South Asian population containing an arcade that was a piece of South Asia in the middle of an Arab Gulf city. Both are not known for their outstanding or quirky architectural qualities but for their performative social roles. Both were demolished recently to be replaced with high-end developments that cater to the rich and privileged, furthering inequality and an overall sense of transience. But all this is good though because we have listed the bus stop as a modernist icon, so we are off the hook, in a manner of speaking.

Figure 5 & 6: The Abu Dhabi Central Market in 2004; and the Mulla Building 2008. Source: Author

The case of the UAE Sha’bī (or National house) is of particular relevance. It was the theme of the UAE Pavilion at the 2016 iteration of the Venice Architecture Biennale, which I curated. From the outset I sought to distance the exhibition from a nostalgia inspired presentation about the ‘good old days’ to one that highlights contemporary transformations. My focus was on how residents transformed their ‘modernist’ homes to make them compatible with their lifestyles and habits. It is not a glamorous architectural form or one that would attract the pages of glossy magazines yet it achieves a quality that is indigenous since it is a direct outcome of residents needs. It thus stands in defiance to the top down version of modernism. An architecture without architects – a true expression of a societies culture. This particular building type has received the attention of heritage conservationists but has as of yet to receive any sort of official recognition as a significant element in the nation’s built heritage. More significantly countless Sha’bī neighborhoods are left to decay and crumble, acquiring a slum-like status, a place to be shunned and filled with undesirables.

Figure 7: The UAE Sha’bi house across the nation; displayed during the 2016 Venice Architecture Biennale at the UAE National Pavilion. Figure 8: A deteriorating Sha’biyya neighborhood in Al-Ain. Source: Author

Things are not as dire as these examples may indicate however. In fact there are some success stories such as the preservation of the modernist Abu Dhabi Cultural Foundation. [2] Aesthetic qualities aside that building’s main value derived from being a social hub for the city’s residents (Emirati and expatriate alike) who banded together to save it from demolition. Moreover the building is not simply an object to be acquired like a luxurious car but it performed a significant role in the life of the city and was open to its streets with various passages linking it to the city.

Figure 9: The Abu Dhabi Cultural Foundation. A structure that is connected to the city. Source: Author.

At some level such an interest in modernism is quite curious. After all during the 1970s and 80s modern architecture was strongly maligned. All sorts of social ills were ascribed to this particular brand of architecture. Its monotony and simple forms were associated with a mind-numbing sameness and alienation among city dwellers. The abolition of walkable streets and communal spaces in favor of efficient highways was correlated will all sorts of urban problems such as crime. Writers, scholars and acitivist bent over backward decrying the evil that is modern architecture: Tom Wolfe in “From Bauhaus to Our House,” Robert Venturi’s “Learning from Las Vegas’ and of course the holy grail of anti-modernist city planning Jane Jacobs’ “Death and Life of Great American Cities.” At some point though over the last few years a shift happened. Worldwide there has been a resurgent interest in all things modern – architecture and otherwise. Mid-century modern became a style to be admired – furniture from that period acquired, adapted and placed in contemporary homes. Media joined the bandwagon – TV shows looking at the 1960s period highlighted its streamlined aesthetic and bright colors in shows such as “Mad Men” in which protagonists are seen wearing sleek suits, driving Cadillacs and entertaining in open air floorplans contained in Miesian skyscrapers. The 1950s and 60s were cool again.

Figure 10: Don Draper’s 1960 living room in ‘Mad Men.’ Mid-centruy modernist nostalgia. Source.

At an architectural level Brutalism in particular, with its aesthetically pleasing, overtly expressive concrete forms, captured the attention of many architecture aficionados. Websites such as “fuckyeahbrutalism” are filled with countless examples of buildings following this style popularized in the 1960s. Subject to demolition and replacement, efforts are made for preservation, although as some critics have pointed out the revival is a form of commodification that stands in opposition to the movement’s original progressive social agenda. [3] Yet aside from speculative motifs are there other explanations for looking to the past? Postmodern theorist Andreas Huyssen notes that there has been an “explosion of memory discourses at the end of the twentieth century.” [4] Others evoked the notion of an “invention of tradition,” a psychological device through which some aspects of the past are rejected to “validate the new, but sometimes also the retention of the past as ‘other’ as a continuing proof of the superiority of the new.” [5] Thus, a deep dissatisfaction with the present prompts a kind of collective effort to reminisce about the past.

How does the Arab Gulf fit in all of this? How can one explain the obsessive interest by some in preserving and mapping all things ‘modern.’ Is it simply a matter of copying what happens elsewhere in the region and the world? Or are there other factors at work? For longtime residents in the transient cities of the Gulf, evoking such nostalgic recollections may act as a form of resistance to obsolescence and disappearance. A counter narrative to temporariness. For Emiratis it may well be an attempt at creating an architectural heritage, a tradition of building that shows their society as equal to places elsewhere. This is irrespective of the fact that all of these ‘modernist buildings’ were built and designed by foreign architects. And they do not constitute a form of colonial architecture blending indigenous building traditions with modernist influences given the historical context of the region.

Rashad Bukhash, former head of conservation at Dubai Municipality and former member of the UAE Federal National Council is a champion of preserving the UAE’s architectural heritage. In a debate at the council he was questioned by a colleague about whether “there was an Emirati architectural style.” I have personally witnessed participants in workshops debating the very existence of an indigenous built heritage and the meaning of an “Emirati Identity.” Recently an Emirati commentator noted:

Our culture isn’t to be seen in buildings or items of art. We didn’t have museums, opera houses, government buildings or palaces. Our culture is to be found in our oral traditions, values, language, poetry and the history that has been handed down from generation to generation.

This notion of associating one’s culture with the expectations of others is problematic. Another Emirati commentator questions the need for utilizing foreign architects in designing such significant structures as the monument for fallen UAE soldiers in a CNN Arabic piece titled: “Why is it better to design the National Commemorative Monument by a Khaliji designer” (as opposed to the British national who was selected). These are important questions and a debate needs to take place about such matters. The Gulf has its own unique qualities and cultural traditions. An architecture will ultimately emerge that will reflect this – but for that to happen tools need to be provided, and a framework created, which would allow for a free expression of lifestyle, needs and activities (e.g.: proper architecture schools that are not western imports headed by outsiders; architectural societies that promote and engage in critical debates; an examination and celebration of an Emirati vernacular architectural tradition). Such a discourse is more meaningful, more sustainable and more relevant than simply enumerating and listing modernist imports that may or not be useful but that are not from this land. It is time to look to the future rather than the past and to empower Emiratis with the tools needed to participate in the production of their own built environment.

Figure 10: Head of the Meqbali household nurturing the garden of his Sha’bī house in the 1980s. When architecture fades and a house is transformed into a home. Source: NPUAE

Notes

[1] Menoret, Pascal (ed.). The Abu Dhabi Architectural Guide. Abu Dhabi: NYU-AD, FIND

[2] Designed by Iraqi architect Hisham Ashkouri, who was part of TAC (The Architects Collaborative) a Cambridge based firm founded by modernist icon Walter Gropius.

[3] Catherine Slessor (2017). “Brutalism is back – but its fetishisation comes at a cost”

https://www.royalacademy.org.uk/article/opinion-architecture-brutalism-and-the-future-of-housing

[4] Huyssen, Andreas. Present Pasts : Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory, Cultural Memory in the Present. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2003.