where to begin...?

⣠Chile in a Photography âŁ

ellievsbear

if i look back, i am lost

pixel skylines
Show & Tell

romaâ
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trying on a metaphor
Cosmic Funnies
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styofa doing anything
Acquired Stardust
Jules of Nature

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@baublecoded
where to begin...?

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rest in peace to this diva
clearing my phone storage don't ask me the context i can't remember but tru
Philip everytime he has to deal with a new Plantaganet
Hi! I hope you are well! I was wondering if you could tell me more about the relationship between Geoffrey and Constance of Brittany, and whether Eleanor's dislike of her in The Devil's Crown has a historical basis
Hello!
As for Geoffrey and Constance's relationship, our sources are pretty sparse on the time and place just in general (which you will see plenty of academics like Everard lament). That being said, the current consensus is that they seem to have had a pretty functional relationship: In her entry in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography Michael Jones writes, "Until Geoffrey's premature death in August 1186 Constance was frequently at her husband's side, both within and outside the duchy. She was actively associated in his government of Brittany at a critical moment in the duchy's institutional and legal development.". Everard in Brittany and the Angevins provides a detailed overview of legislation Geoffrey enacted in Brittany and how often he collaborated with Constance, including during his most pivotal piece of legislation, The Assize of Count Geoffrey. In the same book, one of the sources from the Chronicle of Saint-Brieuc claims that Geoffrey "ratione illius matrimonii, populum Britannicum, quamdiu vitam duxit, dulciter tractavit [because of his marriage, treated the Breton people kindly as long as he lived]". Melissa Pollock also observes that while, "such tenderness in charters was not commonplace", Constance nonetheless, "appeared to be genuinely fond of her first husband when she described him as âvenerabilis maritus meusâ [my worthy husband] while he was alive, and after his death in 1186 as âboni viri mei' [my good man]". Eric Desbourdes argues the age of a low-relief of two knights fighting placed on Saint-Gildas de Rhuys likely coincides with a visit from Constance to attend service and make donations for the souls of her father, her daughter Matilda, and Geoffrey in 1198â in his book he argues this was perhaps an effort to preserve his memory and/or work towards seeking forgiveness for him from the Church. Also supposedly in an essay(?) or paper draft(?) Alheydis Plassmann writes, "I would further argue, that Geoffrey and Constance are quite exceptional in the manner, in which they take each other into considerationâŠI do not think, that we stretch our evidence too far, if we think that Geoffrey and Constance stuck together, even if this does not necessarily mean that they stood against Henry." Since I've downloaded the word file a few years back, the document has been deleted from academia.edu, and sadly Plassmann is no longer with us, so I know this reads as sort of "trust me bro" but I figured I'd add it somewhere in here for completeness. Often people will often contrast this marriage to Geoffrey with Ranulf of Chester, her second husband, with whom she very rarely cohabited, who was denied a lot of ducal authority Geoffrey enjoyed, and ended up kidnapping Constanceâ likely at Richard's behest. There are probably several reasons for this disparity, but one of the assumed ones is that there was probably a tangible difference in the affection Constance felt for her first vs. second husband. I could see this playing out in a number of dynamicsâ as I don't doubt they were both aware they had a public image to maintainâ but there does seem to be ample evidence of them being at the very least very harmonious as a pair.
Unfortunately, Geoffrey seems to be the only Angevin with whom Constance appears to have been on actual good terms. While there were periods she cooperated with Henry II, Richard I, and John, a lot of historians make it clear she was not trusted very much, and interactions would occasionally escalate into hostility with all three. Eleanor of Aquitaine appears, in all of the work I've read on her, to also be part of this mutual distrust and hostility, so her dislike of Constance in The Devil's Crown does feel pretty in character, to be honest. A lot of older historians really like to lean into this being a catfight over who becomes the power broker behind the throne or them hating the other's personality. I don't doubt both were ambitious, but more recent scholars make a compelling case that they had incompatible outlooks on the Angevin sphere of influence and ideas on what direction it should take. Eleanor seems to be committed to the projects of Henry II and Richard I in holding the lands and expanding that sphere. Constance's political project before pressing Arthur's claim to the throne was moving Brittany out of that sphere of influence, and trying to make Arthur king would bring into question where power would be centered and favored. Ralph Turner takes a pretty fiery view of their relationship ("Eleanor found her grandson, Arthur of Brittany, poisoned by the anti-Plantagenet sentiments of his Breton mother Constance and his protector Philip II, unacceptable as Richardâs heir...Because Constance, since her husband Geoffreyâs death in 1186, and the Breton aristocracy both harbored powerful hostility against their suzerain, the duke of Normandy, Eleanor wanted to block little Arthur from becoming head of the Plantagenet house."). Several Breton historians will also, in similarly partisan language, allege that the Normans were reluctant to recognize a Breton as their liege lord and head of state. It's probable that the Norman aristocracy, at the very least, may not have been very comfortable with the idea of their long-time rivals being the base of power at their expenseâ and from L'Histoire de Guillaume le MarĂ©chal, we do know these kinds of anxiety were very real. It just seems to me that they had irreconcilable visions of what the future should look like for England and its continental possessions, and this is probably where (I think) the biggest rift between them lay.

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"Henryâs exercise of sovereign power over the Breton lords via their public displays of fealty resonates with the feudal language and imagery of Marieâs lay and constitutes an act of the colonizer asserting their authority over the colonized. In particular, the tensions surrounding Henryâs acquisition and rule of Brittany speak to the narrativeâs emphasis on treachery, and the warning it offers speaks to those who interfere with the sovereign or with those within his immediate circle. One can read in its treatment of the wife a message to those who upset the homosocial bonds that shape such a system. Its articulation of centralized power, then, reflects the political climate in Brittany at the height of Henryâs power. Bisclavretâs body and story likewise resonate with this context, especially his identity as both Breton and werewolf. As a repeatedly colonized region, Brittany and its inhabitants suffered extensive cultural othering, and âwere subject to routine accusations of barbarity, contumacy and treachery from Norman and Angevin writersâ during Henryâs reign. The threats associated with Bisclavretâs cyclical body and potential for unsanctioned violence, and their negation via his feudal bond with the sovereign and the latterâs retrospective sanctioning of the wolfâs violence, reinforces the hierarchy between lord and vassal as it establishes appropriate forms of and fora for aggression. More importantly, their bond provides a positive exemplar of the lord-vassal relationship for the layâs audience. Indeed, Bisclavretâs improved situation at the layâs end demonstrates that obeisance has positive outcomes. As the narrator declares, once the werewolfâs identity is known and he regains his original condition, âthe king gave him back all his lands; / he gave him more than I can tellâ âtute sa terre li rendi; / plus li duna que jeo ne diâ. That is, he rewards the knight handsomely for his loyalty and service."
-Renée Ward, The Werewolf in Medieval Romance
Oh your mouth is poison, your mouth is wine You think your dreams are the same as mine
Queen Consorts of England + Margaret
Queens consort of England - Margaret of France
Margaret of France (1157 â aft. 10 September 1197) was, by her two marriages, queen of England, Hungary and Croatia.She was the eldest daughter of Louis VII of France by his second wife Constance of Castile. Her older half-sisters, Marie and Alix, were also older half-sisters of her future husband.
She was betrothed to Henry the Young King on 2 November 1160. Henry was the second of five sons born to King Henry II of England and Eleanor of Aquitaine. He was five years old at the time of this agreement while Margaret was three. Margaretâs dowrywas the vital and much disputed territory of the Vexin.
Her husband became co-ruler with his father in 1170. Because Archbishop Thomas Becket was in exile, Margaret was not crowned along with her husband on 14 July 1170. This omission and the coronation being handled by a surrogate greatly angered her father. To please the French King, Henry II had his son and Margaret crowned together in Winchester Cathedral on 27 August 1172.When Margaret became pregnant, she did her confinement period in Paris, where she gave birth prematurely to their only son William on 19 June 1177, who died three days later on 22 June.
She was accused in 1182 of having a love affair with William Marshal, 1st Earl of Pembroke, although contemporary chroniclers doubted the truth of these accusations. Henry may have started the process to have their marriage annulled, ostensibly due to her adultery but in reality because she could not conceive an heir. Margaret was sent back to France, according to E. Hallam (The Plantagenets) and Amy Kelly (Eleonore of Aquitaine and the Four Kings), to ensure her safety during the civil war with Young Henryâs brother Richard. Her husband died in 1183 while on campaign in the Dordogne region of France. By virtue of her marriage to Young King Henry, duke of Anjou, she was installed as the duchess. The coronet he and she would have worn was chronicled in about 1218 as âthe traditional ring-of-roses coronet of the house of Anjouâ.Margaret may have taken her coronet to Hungary in 1186 on becoming Queen Consort to King Bela III. A âring-of-roses coronet was discovered in a convent grave in Budapest in 1838, which may be the same one.
After receiving a substantial pension in exchange for surrendering her dowry of Gisors and the Vexin, she became the second wife of Béla III of Hungary in 1186. The difficult delivery of her only known child in 1177 seems to have rendered her sterile, as she had no further children.
She was widowed for a second time in 1196 and died on pilgrimage to the Holy Land at St John of Acre in 1197, having only arrived eight days prior to her death.She was buried at the Cathedral of Tyre, according to Ernoul, the chronicler who continued the chronicles of William of Tyre.
GAVIN DREA as EADRIC STREONA VIKINGS: VALHALLA 1.04 The Bridge

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just found that i can trace my descent from nine of the twenty-five magna carta barons the way i am johns number one opp
Favourite Medieval Queen | Leonor of England, Queen of Castile and Toledo
I know. Iâm kinda hopeless. But I liked the combination blue, gold and awesomeness.
Do NOT interact if you've taken up with the foul pretender Stephen in his lawless attempt to usurp Her Majesty the Empress Matilda đĄ
The Patronage of the Cult of St Thomas Becket by Henry IIâs Daughters | Matilda of Saxony, Leonor of England, Joan of EnglandÂ
«The Anglo-Castilian connection in this period is also represented by the queenâs efforts to  cleanse  her fatherâs  memory  after the murder of Thomas Becket. Leonor had  married  Alfonso [VIII of Castile] only a few months before the murder of the archbishop of Canterbury in his own cathedral, events that left Christian Europe in shock. News of his brutal assassination caused immediate reaction all over  Europe and must  have  soon reached  the  Castilian court  and Leonorâs ears.  Her  father was  blamed  for the  prelateâs  murder and the mighty king  of  the  English  was brought  to  his knees  through  public repentance  and  expiation. But  soon  after Becketâs horrid death, Henry IIâs expiation turned into veneration and so the martyr of Canterbury â canonised in 1173 â having been a victim of Plantagenet wrath was then becoming an object of Plantagenet piety and devotion.
Kay Brainerd Slocum has studied the spread of the cult in Europe due to the patronage of Henryâs daughters and  has  suggested that  the  queen of Castile «departing from  the  usual  practice, wished to establish her own very close connection, and that of her natal family, to the Canterbury martyr». The wonderfully coloured prayerbook of Henry of Saxony and Bavaria, married to Matilda of England, and the stunning mosaics of Monreale in Sicily, commissioned during the  queenship of her youngest sister, Joan, bear witness to  the agency  of  Henry IIâs daughters in the promotion of Becketâs cult across the continent.
Leonor paid her dues in Castile and her contribution to the cult was manifest and resolute. The queen joined her fatherâs cry for divine forgiveness in the dedication of altars at the cathedrals of SigĂŒenza and Toledo and perhaps in the commission of wall paintings at a church in Soria».
Cerda, José Manuel: The Marriage of Alfonso VIII of Castile and Leonor Plantagenet: the first bond between Spain and England in the Middle Ages, in: Aurell, Martin (ed.): Les Stratégies matrimoniales (IXe-XIIIe siÚcle), Turnhout, Brepols, 2013, pp. 143-153, pp. 146-147.
Or: my favourite sisterly alliance.

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Some of my old The Devilâs Crown (1978) fanarts, of Henry II through the Ages
Richard, Count of Poitou turns his back on his father and pays homage to Philip II, King of the Franks (AD 1188)
(Lily-less version here, and also WIPs and other posting on Patreon)