Proxemics and Deduction 01
Proxemics is defined as the branch of knowledge that deals with the amount of space people feel is necessary to set between themselves and others.Â
Itâs a fascinating field that we, as deductionists, pull from on a daily basis whether weâve been aware of it or not. If you see two people walking together, how do you gauge their relationship? Lovers, family, friends, colleagues, mortal enemies; all options, along with many more. There are quite a few scenario-specific examples, such as coworkers carrying the same identification tag, or a couple each tending to a stroller, but without fail, as a supplementary measure, or more often, as an introductory observation, we fall to proxemics. We look for levels of comfort, and one of the best ways to gauge that is physical closeness. Proxemics is one of several modes of nonverbal communication, ranging from something as simple as touch (haptics), to something as obscure as use of time (chronemics).Â
To explain proxemics in its most concrete state, we can reference Edward T. Hallâs interpersonal distances of man.Â
Imagine four concentric circles, in the center, a person. The first three circles are at 4, 8, and 12 feet respectively. Now add one more circle at 1.5 feet. From nearest to farthest, you have the intimate distance, personal distance, social distance, and public distance. Each of these measurements is used to represent the acceptable levels of closeness in various situations. It is important to note that Hallâs model, and thus Hallâs denoted application, is limited to Western ideals of social conduct. While these same measurements may not fully apply cross-culturally, all human-hosting spaces will model some form of proxemics. There will always be bounds between intimate, personal, and public space, but occasionally, they will be marked at different points. The difference between a friend and a colleague may be a matter of a few inches, and yet breaching that unspoken rule, can cause immense discomfort. Gauging this space, or lack thereof, is a major aspect of social deduction. Itâs one of the first behavioral observations we utilize as deductionists, both new and old.Â
Before marital status, even before handedness, we have social connection. We all see it, I would venture to say we intuitively understand it, so much so that the lines between observation and deduction begin to blur.Â
The basics are in the textbook application, but thereâs much more to proxemics than reciprocal relations. What about the colleague whoâs getting a little too close for comfort? The wife whoâs preparing for an imminent divorce? The regular with the irrational phobia?Â
Deduction, in many ways, is best dissected through deviance.
Proxemics sets a baseline for us to observe and through this baseline, enables us to detect changes. These changes speak volumes. To take the first example. You notice two coworkers behind the counter in a cafe. Their relationship status is unknown - simply colleagues, barely acquaintances, best friends - it's unestablished to you. You watch them interact; thereâs limited camaraderie, few words exchanged from one, a few too many from the other. Is worker B simply over communicative, or is there more to it? You see B encroach on what would be appropriate for a colleague (social/personal depending on the available space - which is something Iâll touch on in a moment), but A steps away, leaving B in the next available concentric circle. This is something we would likely notice without the knowledge of proxemics, but would be unable to categorize beyond a vague ramble about âintuitive social knowledgeâ. By referencing an established baseline we streamline the observation and solidify it in the process, creating a new building block to jump off of. âIndividual A looks uncomfortableâ turns into, dare I say, a mathematical reference point for any and all future behavior.Â
It is important to acknowledge that this particular example is not representative of Person Aâs baseline. It is also important to acknowledge that not every person follows the same baseline, and that certain situations will inherently alter expected baselines. Letâs take the example of a very small area behind the counter in this imaginative cafe. Informal colleagues will likely be forced into what would be considered personal or even intimate space. Proxemic expectations change not only cross-culturally, but by environment. The best way to understand proxemic norms in non-standard situations, is to spend some time observing many people who are exposed to that specific situation. If you simply go off how you would feel in that situation, you are setting a baseline with a possible bias. People tend towards environments they're comfortable with. There is, after all, a reason theyâre behind that counter and youâre not.
Now, one might argue that if the proxemic standards are constantly changing, the applications of the specific measurements are all but useless. While it is true that the baselines are constantly changing by environment, there is an overarching standard. When the space is provided to do so, people will revert to defined patterns. And in situations where the space is not available, using this model, you can deduce a whole host of things with the proportional proximal input and subsequent behavior. Personality, relationships, levels of comfort and discomfort are all vital bits of information.Â
One interesting morsel I feel like throwing in here is the fascinating subject of lines. Lines, queues, whatever you want to call them are one of the best places to observe shifting proxemics in action. As more people enter the queue (when the space is confined) the spaces between individuals will decrease until they reach a social breaking point, at this point the line will turn, often veering out of the designated queue area. Onto another cafe example (can you tell I got coffee this morning). One person walks up to the register. At this point, the only proximal opportunity is between the cashier and the patron - which is generally defined by the width of the counter between them. Now, another person walks up and starts a line - depending on this individualâs personal proxemic preference, the standard in the line is set. The next person who joins the line will tend to follow the set amount of spacing, and the next person, and so on, as space allows. The patrons up ahead, uncaring of whatâs going on behind them, will typically not adjust their positions, leaving a continuous theme of compression as the line progresses, until someone breaks and opts to turn the line. If there is no way to turn, that same slinky effect will move its way back up the line as people become aware of the discomfort behind them. I observed this in action this morning while waiting at my local cafe. Because there is continuous movement, the comfort of the line is rarely at the forefront of anyoneâs mind; their priority is to reach the front, not be optimally comfortable while waiting. If, for example, people were queuing onto a bus (which for some reason didnât have seats) and had to stand there for a couple hours, everyone would evenly disperse. In scenarios with movement, one personâs typically insignificant social preference has a domino effect on those behind them. Thereâs an observable push and pull of conscientiousness and the introversion-extroversion spectrum. We adjust subconsciously to the lineâs collective consciousness, bow down to the social conduct overlord, and occasionally get squished in the process. Take some time to observe this phenomenon next time youâre waiting. Be a menace and try standing too close or too far and watch how uncomfortable you, and possibly others, get. Next time you're first in line, set a weird tone, but remember, with great power comes great responsibility.Â
The last topic Iâm going to be touching on is something I can find absolutely no research on (great intro, I know), so bear with me. Iâd like to discuss proxemics in terms of the inanimate object - something that Iâm very poorly defining, but I believe works in the context of this article. Iâve been taking notes on this subject for some time, but only in my own geographical area. Itâs proved wildly effective at predicting where people will go, so I took some time this morning to watch live CCTV footage of city walkways in other cities, both in the US and nationally (London, Oxford, and Tokyo). This is simply anecdotal, but through this limited observation it became clear to me that people will walk in the middle of their perceived space, cross-culturally. This sense of available space changes depending on the presence of a roadway, varied storefront structure, as well as other people. If there is no one coming towards them, people will tend towards the middle of the walkway, often veering slightly towards the right or left side (driving/passing side of the given country). Individual patterns can answer questions about openness, day to day activities, and conscientiousness. For instance, a person on a walkway with no one coming towards them who is walking distinctly on the right side (in a right-driving country) may be very high on the conscientiousness scale, and/or their typical routine involves walking among many people. These sorts of deductions can be further parsed using other observations.Â
If we accept the premise that people tend towards the middle of their perceived space (which, if other people are approaching, may be one side of a walkway - effectively leaving their âmiddleâ veered to one side), then deviance will usually stem from moving towards, or away from, something. There are a lot of fun applications to this, for instance, deducing how much of a hurry someone is in based on how likely they are to go for the most acceptable path or the quickest path, at baseline. For example, I tend to opt for the most acceptable/safest path, I have high conscientiousness and high neuroticism according to the OCEAN model. But today, I jay-walked through a busy street to get somewhere before my order was ready. This is an example of considering the safest path. Considering the most acceptable path has some predictive applications. As I was taking a break between shifts the other day, I noticed that people who wanted to walk into a store changed their path relatively far in advance. In this case, they were heading towards something. I was able to easily predict which store someone might go into well up to a block away, when utilized in tandem with other observations.Â
Early on in my research journey I found that in videos of people walking on the street oncoming individuals were encouraged to veer away from the person filming. I prioritized finding CCTV to avoid this, but found it to be an interesting example of people changing course to avoid something. There were also a few people who veered into the camera's view. Something as simple as this may give clues to an individual's level of openness and extraversion.Â
In public situations where a person must veer into an oncoming flow of people to cross to their desired destination, they will often wait until theyâre near adjacent to it; in a more desolate walkway, theyâll veer much earlier. Possibly charting their whole course along the less-acceptable pathway.Â
I label this idea as the proxemics of objects because when walking, we seem to assign objects their own personal bubbles. We donât walk near the table line of a restaurant unless thereâs a specific reason to. We tend not to encroach on their space, in the same way we consider people. Perhaps itâs more for our comfort than the objectsâ, or perhaps weâve all been traumatized by the videos of people dressing up as bushes. Either way, I found it interesting enough to throw in here, and if youâre seeing this, you found it interesting enough to read (yay). Iâll be further exploring the topic of object spatial awareness in a future article I have planned.Â
Thank you for reading - below are some relevant articles -Â
https://www.sagepub.com/sites/default/files/upm-binaries/11826_Chapter8.pdf
https://thereader.mitpress.mit.edu/understanding-personal-space-proxemics/
Hall, Edward T., et al. âProxemics [and Comments and Replies].â Current Anthropology, vol. 9, no. 2/3, 1968, pp. 83â108. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/2740724. Accessed 6 Dec. 2023.
